Eduvest � Journal of Universal
Studies Volume 2,
Number 11, November 2022 p- ISSN 2775-3735- e-ISSN 2775-3727 |
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DUALITY OF CUSTOM VILLAGES AND SERVICE VILLAGES IN TENGANGAN PEGRINGSINGAN |
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Agus Sumahendra,
I Wayan Sukayasa, Ni Wayan Karmini Universitas Hindu Indonesia,
Denpasar, Indonesia |
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ABSTRACT |
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Indonesia is
a people-sovereign constitutional state and is a unitary state in the form of
a republic. As a rule-of-law country, Indonesia must comply with the concept
of a rule-of-law state in general in the world, namely as a country based on
a constitution, adhering to democratic principles, recognizing and protecting
human rights, as well an independent and impartial judiciary. The purpose of
this study was to determine the duality of traditional villages and official
villages in Tenganan Peringsingan.
This research is field research with a research concentration namely the
Duality of Government of Traditional Villages and Service Villages in Tenganan Pegringsingan. First,
there are four reasons for the duality of governance of traditional villages
and official villages in Tenganan Peringsingan. (1). Social Development Modernization
Factors Society must be able to adapt to developments that occur as a result
of modernity. efforts to maintain the cultural and religious purity of the Tenganan Peringsingan
Traditional Village |
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KEYWORDS |
custom villages; service villages; constitutional |
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This
work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike
4.0 International |
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INTRODUCTION
Indonesia is a people-sovereign
constitutional state and is a unitary state in the form of a republic. As a
rule of law, Indonesia must comply with the concept of a rule of law in general
in the world, namely as a constitutional state, adhering to democratic
principles, recognizing and protecting human rights, as well as having an
independent and impartial judiciary. So that the legal products of a country that
are used as the foundation of a state in Indonesia are the 1945 Law and
Pancasila.
In elaborating on the 1945 Law, the State
provides a delegation of authority called decentralization which is a concept
that implies the delegation of authority from the central government to
lower-level governments to manage their own territory. Decentralization aims to
enable the government to further improve the efficiency and effectiveness of
its service functions to all levels of society. This means that
decentralization shows a vertical building of the form of state power. In
Indonesia, the adoption of decentralization was later manifested in the form of
a very broad Regional Autonomy policy for the regions, especially cities and
regencies, the implementation of regional autonomy carried out by the central
government to regional governments was carried out to improve various programs
throughout the territory of the country.
The implementation of decentralization and
regional autonomy policies has entered its third round since the 1998 reform,
namely the first round based on Law No. 22 of 1999 and the second round based
on Law no. 32 of 2004 and the third round of Law No. 23 of 2014. And all
stakeholder components and the implementation of decentralization and regional
autonomy policies certainly hope that this round will be better than the
previous round
Regional Autonomy is basically the right,
authority and obligation of the region to regulate and manage its own
household. This right is obtained through the transfer of government affairs
from the central government to regional governments in accordance with the conditions
and capabilities of the respective Regional Autonomy and Village
Decentralization regions. Regional Autonomy as a manifestation of the adherence
to the principle of decentralization, is expected to be able to provide the
best service to the community. Because the authority received by the Regions
through Regional Autonomy will give "freedom" to the Regions. In
terms of carrying out various actions that are expected to be in accordance
with the conditions and aspirations of the people in the region. This
assumption is caused because logically the Regional Government is closer to the
community, so it will know better what is the demand and desire of the
community.
Based on the MPR RI Decree No. XV/MPR/1998,
regional autonomy is carried out by giving broad, real, and proportionally
responsible authority to the regions which is realized by regulating,
distributing, and utilizing central and regional finances. In addition, the
implementation of regional autonomy is carried out with the principles of
democracy, community participation, equitable distribution of justice funds,
and attention to regional potential and diversity. According to Law Number 23
of 2014, the meaning of decentralization is the transfer of government affairs
from the center to the regions. The delegation of authority to regional
governments is solely to achieve an effective and efficient government.
This condition cannot be denied the fact that
the village administration is an extension of supra-village authorities, namely
from the sub-district, district, provincial governments to the central
government. As a result, the official village government has a strong baking in
running the wheels of government. Moreover, with the jargon of developmentism,
under the pretext of development, the official village government can freely
carry out its government system and prove how strong the position of the
official village is today.
This position again looks comfortable with
the issuance of Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning villages, Autonomy which is framed
by Law Number 6 of 2014 has a philosophical basis that gave birth to Service
Villages. In this Law, Village is defined as a legal community unit that has
territorial boundaries that are authorized to regulate and manage government
affairs, local community interests based on community initiatives, origin
rights, and/or traditional rights that are recognized and respected within the
government system of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia.
Talking about official villages, they did not
appear recently but have quite a long historical value, especially in Bali,
starting when the Dutch East Indies government entered South Bali (1906-1908)
to replace the royal position over villages in Bali. In administering
government in Bali, the Dutch colonial government implemented two systems of
government; the system of direct government under the Dutch and the system of
self-government by the kings is called the autonomous region. In administering
government, the Dutch Government formed a village service and used the Perbekel
as its representative to oversee the situation in the village. With the
Perbekel appointed by themselves, the Dutch built an administrative institution
at the village level by forming a new village formed by the colonial
government. With the new village, it is expected that there will be 200
villagers who are ready to carry out forced labor duties (Desa adat, 2003).
Along with the development of the era and the
disappearance of the colonial government from Indonesia, the position of this official
village institution was maintained in Bali by issuing the latest regulations,
namely Law No. 6 of 2014 concerning Villages. Even though the state has power
over its territory, the principle of statehood that it still adheres to is that
a good nation is a nation that is able to maintain its culture so that it can
be differentiated from other nations. Maintaining national culture in the midst
of an onslaught of foreign cultures is not easy. This concept is in line with
the condition of the Indonesian nation, which is a country with the nickname of
a thousand islands with various ethnicities, tribes, religions and cultural
diversity.
In line with (Abdullah, 2006) opinion,
globalization and modernization have indeed become big forces that require an
appropriate response because they force a strategy of survival and strategy of
accumulating wealth for various groups in society. These forces have led the
market to become the dominant force in the formation of dominant values
and orders that are based on dense and sophisticated
communication processes. The market has also broadened people's orientation and
mobility across socio-cultural boundaries. The market has obscured the
dimensions of high culture (high cultural) due to changes in the orientation of
space in society.
The authority of regional autonomy within a
unitary state should not be interpreted as the full (free) freedom of a region
to carry out its rights and functions of autonomy. In this context, the regions
must still consider the national interest as a whole, although it is also
possible to give broader powers to the regions. The history of human
development shows that due to geographical and geological differences, humans
in various parts of the world have experienced different evolutionary
processes. The Eskimos in the polar regions, for example, have their own way of
life in accordance with existing natural challenges, which then give birth to
cultural forms of society as their identity. The alliance between those with
the same cultural and behavioral characteristics then becomes a tribe that is
automatically different from other tribes around the world (Yuhdi, 2012: 25)
So Indonesia stands on the basis of a
philosophy that is the whole local culture that exists in every region in
Indonesia. National culture in the view of Ki Hajar Dewantara is "the
peaks of regional culture". The quote from this statement refers to the
understanding of unity being increasingly strengthened, so that unity in
diversity is increasingly felt rather than diversity. Its manifestations are in
the form of a unitary state, national economy, national law, and national
language. Indonesian culture has always experienced changes from time to time,
this change occurred due to the factors of the people who really wanted changes
and cultural changes to occur very rapidly, namely due to the inclusion of
elements of globalization into Indonesian culture. The element of globalization
has entered uncontrollably into the national culture which is the incarnation
of local culture that exists in every region from Sabang to Merauke (Tobroni, 2012).
Then the 1945 Constitution also, in Article
32 paragraphs (1) and (2) which also reads: Paragraph (1) The state advances
Indonesian national culture in the midst of world civilization by guaranteeing
the freedom of the people to maintain and develop their cultural values
and paragraph ( 2) The state respects and maintains regional
languages as national cultural assets. What is stated in article
32, regulates the Government of Indonesia based on the principle of community
and local genus or its Cultural Values considering that Indonesia
has a variety of tribes, cultures and customs.
Talking about village issues as a form of
government in Bali, one can refer to two terminologies, namely official
villages and customary villages. The traditional village, which according to
Haar (Suda, 2008) is called a territorial community, is a form of social
unit whose activities are always related to matters related to custom and
religion, so that traditional village activities are more focused on the field
of traditional and religious ceremonies. On the other hand, the official
village is a unit of government administration and development (Budiana, 1995).
It is not known exactly when and how the
initial process of forming a traditional village in Bali was. There are those
who suspect that traditional villages have existed in Bali since the Neolithic
era in prehistoric times so that it can be said that traditional villages
existed before service villages. The traditional village has the identity of
the elements as a community of customary law communities, and has several
characteristics that distinguish it from other social groups. These
distinguishing features include the existence of certain areas that have clear
boundaries, where most of the residents live in these areas and the presence of
sacred buildings belonging to traditional villages in the form of kahyangan
tiga or kahyangan desa (Dharmayuda, 2001).
One of the local cultural potentials owned by
the Province of Bali is the Traditional Village. Bali Traditional Village
according to Hatta's idea, carry out mutual cooperation in carrying out joint
activities in the village, and every important decision is taken through the
Paruman and decisions are taken with the most votes through deliberation or
consensus. Local culture is still recognized for its existence in accordance
with article 18 b, Paragraph (2) so that the Provincial Government of Bali,
initiated an institution capable of empowering the existence of Traditional
Village Institutions in accommodating the social life of the community.
The provincial government of Bali has also
issued a policy to protect the existence of Traditional Villages by issuing
Bali Provincial Regulation number 4 of 2019 concerning Traditional Villages in
Bali. This policy is a guideline for the overall legal basis regarding the
existence of Traditional Villages in Bali, by giving strong authority to
Traditional Villages and Traditional Villages in Bali with the status of legal
subjects in the government system in the province of Bali. In general, Regional
Regulation No. 4 of 2019 concerning Traditional Villages regulates the
administration of Traditional Villages which includes institutional governance
of Traditional Villages and also decision-making institutions.
Regarding the traditional village government
system, historically the Balinese people have a system of values, norms and
laws that live and are dynamic within the context of the traditional village.
In a traditional village, Balinese people are controlled and shaped by a value
system, moral system, legal system, and cultural system which become a
collective agreement and are the collective expression of a society. So it can
be said, the social actions of the Balinese people are strongly influenced by
the value system that is constructed when they become krama adat desa. That is,
socio-cultural-religious, Balinese society is formed in a forum called
traditional village.
So that in subsequent developments as a
result of natural law, if you are faced with a side-by-side position for an
undetermined period of time, one human being will be interdependent with other
human beings, as well as one group will be dependent on another group.
Differences in needs and interests between them cause a process of social
interaction which can then also become the basis for various conflicts between
individuals or between groups or institutions that have mutual interests with
one another. This interest can also be based on ethnicity, language, culture
and religion, in addition to social institutions and political, geographical,
economic and administrative considerations.
Reducing conflicts of interest and
overlapping in carrying out the duties and functions of each institution, to
the dualism of the existence of Traditional Villages and Service Villages in
Bali, various solutions are sought based on aesthetic, ethical and religious
principles in the past by the Dutch government forming official villages and
still exist and continue now in the era of the Unitary State of the Republic of
Indonesia which is meant by uniformity of form. Moving on from this situation,
according to the opinion of (Antl�v & Yuwono, 2002), this form of uniformity also leads to what he calls
Javaneseization. According to (Antl�v & Yuwono, 2002) there is a form of village uniformity which also leads to
what he calls Jawanization. The interesting thing about the position of these
two village administrations is after the enactment of Law No. 5 of 1979
concerning Village Administration. This law standardizes the governance of
villages throughout Indonesia.
According to (Atmadja, 2010) in Balinese society, this uniformity creates dualism in
the village government system, namely between traditional village government
and official village government. Interestingly, according to Atmadja, the
relationship between the two is not always an equal partnership, but often
leads to a hegemonic and dominative relationship. Related to this dominative
relationship, there is a tendency for official villages to be in a super
ordinate position, while traditional villages are in a subordinate position.
Furthermore, Utang Suwaryo conveyed that by
originating and borrowing the concept of (Eko, 2005) in his book "Village Government Manifesto",
then the author modified it, especially in terms of understanding and
explanation, then 6 models of choice were offered which could be used as
references for making Laws Village Administration. In general, these six models
are solutions to the dualism between adat (self-governing community) and
village government (local self-government).
The first model: Pure Indigenous Village,
this model illustrates that the village is only a local community based on
native customs and does not have a village government as stipulated by Law
Number 5 of 1979 or Law Number 22 of 1999. This pure traditional village is
like occurred in local communities in Europe and America. These local communities
have local organizations that are more like local associations than government
institutions. These local organizations or associations are not subordinate to
a higher government structure, and do not carry out administrative and
governmental tasks assigned by the government, but only carry out the function
of taking care of local affairs. local and voluntary.
This organization does not question the
issues of decentralization and local autonomy related to government at all,
except only as a form of social capital used by citizens to help themselves,
work together, build trust, and can also serve as a basis for civil society to
participate in development. Even though it is not related to decentralization,
it does not mean that the government allows the local community to live. The
area and residents in the local community remain the authority and
responsibility of the government, especially those responsible for providing
public services (education, health, housing, drinking water, electricity,
transportation, etc.) which local organizations cannot possibly handle alone.
If this model is chosen, then the consequence is that the village as a local
government institution (local self-government) is removed because
decentralization and formal democracy are no longer in the village, but are at
the district level. Administrative matters for residents are centered at the
sub-district level and in certain units formed by the sub-district as an
extension of its hands. The government is still obliged to provide public
services to the community and carry out village development to all corners of
the village.
This model seems to be suitable for
indigenous peoples who are still strong with their traditional values, which so
far have failed to integrate adat and official villages. In some areas, such as
Papua and East Nusa Tenggara, there has always been a dualism between
administrative villages and customary community units. Administrative village
government does not work effectively, while indigenous peoples have more or less
control over communal land and gain social legitimacy in front of local
residents. As an alternative, the administrative village government is
completely abolished, while the indigenous peoples' unit as a self-governing
community is revitalized to manage itself without having to deal with
government administration issues and not getting the burden of work from the
government. This model will certainly end the dualism between traditional
villages and official villages, while at the same time strengthening adat as
the basis of local communities.
The second model: Administrative Villages,
this model is exactly the same as villages in Java, which generally have long
developed as modern local government institutions that have abandoned adat. The
modernization of village government through Law Number 5 of 1979 was relatively
successful in implementing in Java, even Law Number 22 of 1999 was an embryo
for the growth of villages as local self-government which took into account the
spirit of self-governing community. This can be seen in the traditions of
governance, development and community management that are inherent in the
villages. Incrementally, villages in Java have begun to cultivate the ability
to manage governance and development properly, while the arena of democracy and
civil society has also begun to grow. Even though not most, many villages in
Java are led by progressive village heads, who forge good skills, have
strategic plans as guidelines for governance and development, and prepare good
(accountable, transparent and participatory) Village APBs. Villages like this
are relatively ready to be transformed into self-government. In this context,
it certainly needs to be further strengthened by a new village law in which the
position and authority of the village is more adapted to the demands and social
changes that are occurring.
The third model: the Integration Model
between Adat and Administrative Village, or there is a fusion between village
and adat. This model is exactly the same as the current state of the nagari in
West Sumatra. West Sumatra has launched a "return to the nagari"
since 2000 which integrates the administrative village with the adat nagari
into a single nagari container. If previously there was dualism between the
administrative village government and the adat nagari (and adat experienced
marginalization), now there is integration into the nagari, so that the nagari
grows to become the local state. The Nagari combines local self-government and
self-governing community schemes, or upholds the principle of tali tigo sapilin
(state, religion and custom). Nagari recognizes the division of powers based on
the trias politica: executive (nagari government), legislative (nagari
representative body), and judiciary (drapatan adat nagari as well as assemblies
and syarak) whose job is to become local judicial institutions (local conflict
resolution, not criminal) and give advice to the executive and the legislature
so that nagari policies remain in accordance with adat and religion.
The fourth model: The �Customary and Village
Dualism� model, the most prominent example of this model is the villages in
Bali. Until now, Bali still has two forms of villages, namely official villages
and customary (traditional) villages. The official village is an extension of
the government's bureaucracy that regulates and takes care of government
administration and development issues. Whereas traditional villages carry out
the function of caring for customs, control over the official village
government, including controlling the use of customary land from state
intervention and capital. So far, traditional villages are not willing to be
merged with official villages as experienced in West Sumatra, because they do
not want to lose their autonomy and adat, and are not willing to be positioned
hierarchically under the state. Utang Suwaryo conveyed that the dualistic
scheme is interesting, because it is different from the triaspolitical
doctrine, the powers of villages in Bali are separated according to government
and development lines which are the domain of official villages while community
affairs are the domain of traditional villages. The traditional village becomes
a local community organization that becomes the identity, basis of autonomy and
control of the official village government. Thus the traditional village
becomes an arena for civil society and citizen participation. In contrast to
the Kerapatan Adat Nagari in West Sumatra which is integrated and participates
in "controlling" the nagari government, traditional villages in Bali
have their own autonomous domain and participate in "influence" or
"control" the official village.
The fifth model: Kelurahan model, here there
are no customs and no villages. Kelurahan is a form of state bureaucratic
administrative unit that works at the local level, or often referred to as the
local state government. Unlike the village, the kelurahan does not have
autonomy, but only carries out administrative tasks delegated from above. The
head of the kelurahan is the lurah, who has the status of a civil servant and
his position as an appointed administrative (career) official. He is not
responsible to the people, but to the officials who appointed him.
The sixth model: the Desa Praja model, this
is a kind of level III region (if a province is considered a level I region and
a district or city is considered a level II region). The position of this praja
village is not only as part of the district, but also as part of the Unitary
State of the Republic of Indonesia. This is what is called devolution for the
village. Confirmation of the position of the village is also accompanied by a
proportional division (distribution) of authority between the center,
provinces, districts/cities and villages. In this way, the villages will
clearly have more concrete devolutive and distributive authority, no longer dry
authority or unclear residual authority.
Moving on from the model offered above, the
case of Bali in this case still maintains the fourth model "Adat and
Village Dualism", but in this model it is still entitled dualism instead
of duality. But not. Because without an easy reason, given the situation and
conditions in Bali, there are still various forms of traditional villages that
have chosen this model, even though there was a discourse before Law 6 was born
at that time to choose to register a Traditional Village or Service Village at
the Village Ministry, considering that there are still many the pros and cons
of the situation chose to register traditional villages and official villages
so that the government has until now established the concept of dualism in
Bali. One of the materials for discussion in the field is to emphasize the
position of a traditional village if it is registered, it will be like a nagari
in Sumatra concurrently serving administrative government affairs for fear that
it will erode the culture and religion of these traditional institutions.
In line with (Triguna, 2016) customary villages are built based on the concept of tri
hita karana. As a cultural conception, tri hita karana is implemented in three
dimensions. First, is the human relationship with God (sukerta tata
parhyangan). This conception emphasizes the importance of the existence of
kahyangan tiga for every member of the traditional village. Maintaining
palinggih and rites in every kahyangan, cultivating sacred arts, and
expressions of deepening religion are the duties and functions of traditional
villages.
Second, is the human-human relationship or
called sukerta tata pawongan. In this dimension the emphasis is on ethics in
behavior, both within the family, between families, banjar, and traditional
villages. The ethics in question is that every member of the customary village
has the same position and role before customary rules, as long as those
concerned have become krama. In this equality of rights and obligations, the
importance of the principle of reciprocity is put forward, namely the
obligation to give in the hope of receiving the same thing. The synergy of
these two factors causes traditional village communities in Bali to tend to be
homogeneous in reference to values, characters, and choices of available
alternatives in relation to interpreting and understanding their social
environment.
Third, is the relationship between humans and
the environment (sukerta tata palehan), related to the clarity of the customary
village boundaries. The structure of the kahyangan and the village, as well as
the pattern of settlement of the members of the traditional village community,
are in accordance with the tri mandala concept. Hindus in Bali are taught
wisely and wisely to maintain a harmonious relationship with nature. The need
for the social and physical world reinforces the assumption that humans cannot
live well if they are alienated from their social environment. This is what is
suspected as one of the factors that led to the survival of the traditional
village government, amidst the strong hegemony of the official village
government, in addition to other factors.
Regarding the customary government system in
Bali, in general it can be divided into two types, namely the plains Balinese
government system (Majapahit) and the Balinese mountain government system (Bali
Aga or Bali Mula). What distinguishes the government system of plains Bali from
mountainous Bali is, where the government system in plains Bali uses the
concept of trimurti or all-round three in managing its life system
(parahyangan, pawongan, and paleahan), while the system of government in
mountainous Bali uses the concept of rwabhineda (ulu and teben). , an
ideological view based on the teachings of rwabhineda, namely the harmonization
of two contradictions.
One of the Traditional Villages in Bali and
an Old Village, namely the Tenganan Pegringsingan Traditional Village, which
has its own uniqueness that is different from other villages in Bali. The
uniqueness of the Tenganan Pegringsingan Traditional Village also influences
the arrangement of rules or awig-awig from the village so that these rules
apply in the village of Tenganan Pegringsingan. The awig-awig gave birth to a
government structure which would later govern the order in the Tenganan
Pegringsingan Traditional Village. In the awig-awig of the Tenganan
Pegringsingan Traditional Village, it is explained about the history of
traditional village leadership, beliefs and yajnya ceremonies, order and
security, marriage, community and customary obligations, legal regulations,
prohibitions, debt matters, distribution of inheritance, witnesses and fines
these things apply from generation to generation and have never changed since
the founding of the village of Tenganan Pegringsingan, apart from the
uniqueness of the regulations of the Traditional Village of Tenganan
Pegringsingan it also has many uniqueness such as language, Balinese
calendar/padewasan and others
According to (Sumunar et al., 2017) Tenganan Pegringsingan Village is a village that is very
conservative towards their ancestral heritage. This is because the people of
Tenganan always prioritize balance in various matters. Tenganan Pegringsingan
Village has a population of approximately 670 people who are members of 232
families. Interestingly, in the traditional village of Tenganan, there is an
adat social structure in the form of 10 groups that differentiate one's role in
the village, the main tasks and functions of each. However, the existence of
such a social structure does not mean that there is a difference in the level
of social status between groups. Among the 10 groups, namely the Sanghyang,
Ngijeng, Batu Guling Mage, Batu Guling, Empa Buluh, Soldier, Pande Mas, Pande
Besi, Pasek, and Bendesa.
The people of Tenganan still maintain the
life values of their ancestors to this day. This includes things
that greatly affect them in terms of livelihood. Until now, the majority of the
people of Tenganan village still depend on farming, besides some have received
a touch from tourism and the government by making various kinds of regional
handicrafts famous to foreign countries. One of them is the Gringsing woven
craft which has special features and makes it very popular among people in the world.
One of the other unique things about the
Tenganan community is that even though they now have money, in fact many people
still use the barter system for their daily needs. From the social system that
has been developed, that the people of Tenganan Village consist of native
residents of the local village. This is because the marriage system adopted is
a parental system where women and men in the family have the same degree and
are entitled to become heirs. The local community is bound by awigawig (customary
law) which requires marriage to be carried out with fellow residents of
Tenganan Village, because if this is violated, the resident is not allowed to
become krama (citizen) of the village, meaning that he must leave Tenganan
Village. Apart from marriage, there are many more awig-awig which are applied
in the way of life of the Tenganan indigenous people, such as those related to
customary sanctions, kinship, inheritance and so on. (Sugianto & Liao, 2014)
The customary laws that exist in Tenganan
Village are still very strong and are strictly adhered to by the village
community. The customary law in this village is referred to as the Tenganan
constitution and the Tenganan customary government system. This customary law
in Tenganan Village has been around for a long time, even before the existence
of knowledge that studied governance and the state to run a wheel of
government. The rotation of customary law and the government system of Tenganan
Village continues to rotate well even though the flow of globalization is so
swift and modernity is increasingly widespread.
No matter how strong the flow of
modernization and the development of power and knowledge hit the life of the
village community, especially Tenganan Pegringsingan Village, this village can
still survive harmoniously, especially regarding the current conditions, namely
the duality of governance of Traditional Villages and Service Villages which
are still running well . Departing from the description above, it can be
described that in addition to the currents of modernization, power and
knowledge that hit the lives of traditional village communities in Bali in
general and the people of Tengangan Pegringsingan Village in particular, a new
cultural system called official villages also tends to overshadow the existence
of traditional village government in Bali, but in fact the governance system of
the traditional village of Tenganan Pegringsingan, its traditional culture
which is very strong with its ulu-apad system, still survives and seems to be
able to coexist well with the services which are the product of power and
knowledge as a form of modernization accommodation.
It is very interesting to study academically
the existence of the duality of traditional villages and official villages that
still adhere to the ulu-apad system, such as in Tenganan Pegeringsingan Village
compared to other villages in Bali, because even though this village has long
been in contact with the world of modernization, this village has been used as
an object of tourism, however, Tenganan Pegringsingan Village is able to
maintain the values of local wisdom passed down from generation
to generation by its ancestors, including the harmonization of its government
system, in the form of the duality of Traditional Village and Service Village
of Tenganan Pegringsingan which is not only interesting, but also very
important to study immediately academically.���
RESEARCH
METHOD
The term method is often associated with the term approach, strategy and
technique, which is the method used by researchers to find understanding in
line with the focus and objectives set. According to Sugiyono
the research method is basically a scientific way to obtain data with specific
purposes and uses. The scientific way in question is Rational, Empirical and
Systematic. Rational means that research activities are carried out in a way
that makes sense, so that it is within reach of human reasoning.
Empirical means that the methods used can be observed by the human
senses, so that people can observe and know the methods used. Systematic here
means that the process used in a study uses certain logical steps (Sugiyono, 2011)
According to (Moleong, 2021), research design is an attempt to plan and determine
all possibilities and equipment needed in aqualitative
research. Meanwhile Lincoln and Guba (in Moelong,
1996:237) state that there are at least ten possibilities and equipment which
are also commonly called elements of research, including, (1) research focus;
(2) paradigm suitability with focus; (3) paradigm suitability with substantive
theory; (4) research subjects; (5) research stages; (6) research techniques;
(7) data collection; (8) data analysis; (9) research equipment; and (10)
checking the validity of the data.
This research is a field research (field research)
with a research concentration namely the Duality of Traditional Village
Government and Service Village in Tenganan Pegringsingan. This study uses a qualitative approach.
Therefore, the emphasis is not on measurement, but on seeking subjective
meaning from the research subject itself.
RESULT
AND DISCUSSION
Tenganan pegringsingan
traditional village is located between the cities of Amlapura
and Denpasar, which is approximately 18 km from the city of Amlapura
and 67 km from the city of Denpasar. The location of the village is a bit
inland from the main road, namely Jalan Raya Amlapura-Denpasa.
Gives the impression of a remote village from the crowd. However, at that time
the only main road that connected the village to the main road was paved and
could be traversed by various motorized vehicles. This village is located
approximately 2 km from the seaside with an altitude of approximately 70 - 400
meters above sea level with an average temperature of around 28 - 30� Celsius (Maria & Anshori, 2013).
�The location of
Tenganan Peringsingan
Village is also not far away, both from centers of
economic and government activities, such as: (1) the distance between Tenganan Village and Manggis District is 9 km, (2). the
distance between Tenganan Village and Karangasem
Regency is 17 km, the distance between Tenganan
Village and the provincial capital of Bali is 65 km, (3) the distance between Tenganan Village and Ngurah Rai
Airport is 68 km, (4) the distance between Tenganan Village
and Padang Bai Harbor is 11 km, (5) the distance Tenganan Village with the Ulakan
market 9.25 km, (6) the distance between Tenganan
Village and the bugbug market is 8 km (Suarjana & Suprapti,
2018)
To be able to get to and from Tenganan
Peringsingan village is not difficult because there
are adequate roads and means of transportation. The transportation facilities
that can be used by the people of Tenganan Peringsingan to the center of
economic or government activity are (1) to point to and from the Capital City
of the Manggis District, you can use public minibus transportation which can be
reached in approximately 10 minutes, (2) to go to and leave the capital of
Karangasem Regency can use public transportation microbus which can be reached
in approximately 35 minutes, (3) To go to and from the provincial capital city
you can use bus vehicles or Colt, Isuzu Minibus which can be reached in
approximately 2.5 hours. those who bring their own vehicle travel from Denpasar
city in less than 2 hours for four-wheeled vehicles and more than 2 hours for
2-wheeled vehicles (motorcycles). the trip to the village will not encounter
many obstacles because all the roads in Denpasar and Amlapura
are well paved (Suarjana & Suprapti,
2018)
Administratively, the Tenganan
Peringsingan traditional village is in Tenganan Village, Manggis District, Karangasem Regency. its
boundaries are (1) to the north, Macang Traditional
Village, Bebandem District, (2) to the east, Bungaya Traditional Village, Asak Traditional Village, Timbrah Traditional Village, Karangasem District, (3) to
the south of Pesedahan Traditional Village, Nyuhtebel Traditional Village, Tenganan
Dauh Tukad Traditional
Village and (4) west of Ngis Traditional Village.
Around the VIII century, during the Balinese customary
era, there were governments called manca, including Manca Nyuhtebel, Manca Tenganan, Manca Manggis. Approximately in 1906 the manca-mentioned above was abolished and replaced with the
term Perbekel. In the village of Tenganan
itself, there is the Perbekel, who was the first to
lead the village of Tenganan, which was held
successively by I KARTI (late) in 1933-1940. Since under the government of Tenganan Village, it has consisted of 3 (three) Traditional
Villages namely :
1.
Tenganan Pegringsingan Traditional Village
2.
Tenganan Dauh Tukad Traditional Village
3.
Gumung Traditional Village.
Besides that, each
of the Traditional Villages mentioned above has the smallest area within the
Village Government environment, namely the Hamlet or Neighborhood. The Tenganan
Village consists of 5 (five) Banjar Dinas namely:
1.
The Tenganan Pegringsingan Office Banjar.
2.
The Tenganan Dauh Tukad Office Banjar
3.
Banjar Service Mountains
4.
Banjar Bukit Kangin Service.
5.
Banjar Bukit Kauh Service.
Headmaster I Karti (deceased) was then replaced by I
NENGAH SUJI (late) in 1941-1952 at that time the administration was running
normally because previously administrative services were carried out in their
respective homes until the Mount Agung disaster erupted which at that time many
refugees came from remote areas of Karangasem Regency. After the government of I
Nengah Suji (late) was replaced by I Nyoman Rumi (late) in 1953-1962, after the
government of I Nyoman Rumi (late) was replaced by I Nyoman Suarna (late) in
1963-1971. After the government I Nyoman Suarna (late) was replaced by I Made
Pasek (late) in 1972-1982, after the government I Made Pasek (late) was
replaced by I NYOMAN SADRA, BA in 1983-1993. After the government of I Nyoman
Sadra, Ba was replaced by DRS. I Nengah Journalist in 1994-1998, then replaced
by Plt. Perbekel namely I Ketut Sudimbia, BA. (late) in 1998-2001. Furthermore,
according to the results of the village head election and continued with the
inauguration of the village head on October 1, 2002, Tenganan Village was led
by I PUTU SUARJANA, SS in 2002-2008. And after the election for village heads
was held again, Tenganan Village was led By I Putu Suarjana, SS for the second
time, namely in 2008-2014. And after the end of the term of office of bekel I
Putu Suarjana, SS, it was continued with the holding of a bekel election on
December 1, 2014, Tenganan Village for the 2014-2019 period was led by I PUTU
YUDIANA, ST who was appointed on January 9, 2014. I Ketut Sudiastika will
continue his leadership in the 2020-2025 period as Headquarters of Tenganan who
was elected through the election of Headmasters on 24 November 2019.
The Tenganan Pegringsingan traditional village can be
divided into three complexes, namely the residential complex, the plantation
complex, and the rice field complex. This settled pattern complex is included
in the Dinas Village, which consists of five service Banjars, namely (1)
Service Banjar Tenganan Pegringsingan, (2) Banjar Gumung, (3) Tenganan Dauh Tukad
Banjar, (4) Bukit Kangin Banjar and 5 Bukit Kauh Banjar. Tenganan pegringsingan
traditional village is divided into 3 traditional Banjars, namely (1) Kauh
traditional Banjar, (2) Central Banjar, (3) Kangin or Pande traditional Banjar.
Banja Pande is divided into, namely, Pande Kaja (Tengangan Tengah) and Pande
Kelod (Wong Angendok Jenak) (Widya Kusuma Ningrum, 2021).
As a whole and legal
territorial unit, the Tenganan Pegringsingan Traditional Village has
territorial boundaries with several other villages such as; to the north of
Panggang Village, to the south to Nyuh Tebel Village, to the west of Ngis
Village, and to the east of Asak Village. Regarding village boundaries
according to custom, it is also recorded in Awig-Awig Tenganan Village chapter
12 which reads as follows:
�Mwah tingkah wates sawewengkon prabumiyan wong desane ring Tenganan
Pegringsingan, sane kawengku kabukti kagamel antuk wong desa ika, wates
pangetan mawates antuk kepuh rangdu, panjaite ka Bugbug, mang utawi odang
diasah bukite marurungan manungked kapaisisir Candi Dasa, watese panjaite
kapasedahan mablat pangkung, dajan pasedahane, kangin kawuh sedajan pangkung,
kabukti antuk wong desa ika sinalih tunggal, wates panjaite ka Tenganan Dauh
Tukad mawates antuk rurung, sadelod kepoeh kadrewe antuk I Tenganan Dawuh
Tukad, wates panjaite kangin, di bukite dawuh Tnganan Pagringsingan sasuhuhu
rawuh kadrewe antuk ngis sahasah bukite ngraris kala nungked sadlod Macang
mawates tegas mawasta pulapulapan, ngaris kangin anungked kacarike mawasta batu
asah, mangraris manglod kanginang manungked kadesa kawrekasta/a, manglodang
margine mageng, sadawuh marga manungked ka Bungaya, sadawuh pangkung sadawuh
griyane ring Bungaya, panjaite ka Bungaya, sadawuh pangkung prabumiyan Tenganan
Pagringsingan, mangraris mengelodang sadawuh pangkung manungked panjaite
kahasak, mancangked tlabah pandusan, mangraris manglod kanginang nungked
katlabah umasai, sadawuh tlabah manglodang mancangked panjaite katimbrah,
sadawuh pangkung dawuh desa ne ring Timrah, mawasta pangkung jlinjing yeh inem ,
sadawuh punika prabumiyan Tenganan Pagringsingan, mangraris manglodang wates
panjaite ka Bugbug, jlinjing madaging batu mageng, dajan desa ne ring bugbug,
mangraris mangkawuhang nungked kabukite dangin desane ring Tenganan
Pagringsingan mawates kepuh rangdu.�
It means "and regarding the
boundaries of the village of Tenganan Pegringsingan, which is the territory
held by the villagers, it is bounded to the east by kepuh-rangdu trees, close
to Bugbug to the south on the plains of the hill like a tunnel ending at Candi
Dasa beach, the boundary is close to Pasedahan interrupted by a ravine to the
north of Pasedahan, from east to west to the north of the ravine is controlled
by anyone from the village, the boundary where it connects to Dauh Tukad's Hand
is limited by a small passageway), to the south the kepuh tree belongs to the
village of Tenganan Dauh Tukad, the boundary connects from the east, on the
hill in the west of Tenganan Pagringsingannya, the western hemisphere belongs
to Ngis Village, as flat as the hill to the north it ends in the south of
Macang village it borders on a moor called Paulap-ulapan, continues to the east
it ends in a rice field called Batu Asah , continues to the southeast it ends
in Kawrekastala village (Kastala now), go south on the west side of the main
road until you reach the village of Bungaya on the other side West of the
ravine which is to the west of the Geriya (house of Brahmins) in Bungaya,
closes to Bungaya to the west of the ravine in the village of Tenganan
Pagringsingan, continues south to the west of the ravine ending closer to Asak
Village, until it reaches a tlabah (gutter) called Pandusan, continues to the
southeast to the Umasai ditch, to the west of the ditch to the south it ends at
Timrah Village named Pangkung Jalinjing Yeh lnem, to the west of the Tenganan
Pegringsingan area until it closes to Bugbug in a ditch filled with large
stones, to the north of Bugbug village continues to the west ending at the hill
to the east of Tenganan Pagringsingan Village is bordered by rangdu kepuh
trees.
Based on the Awig-Awig records of
Tenganan Pegringsingan Village above, the village boundaries listed in the
village Awig-Awig above are still valid today, it's just that there have been
changes in the terms of place names which are now no longer recognized by
generations of supporters. For example, reminder boundaries such as the name of
the kepuh rangdu tree, maybe these trees are no longer there or have been
replaced with other trees
Ownership of land in the village of Tenganan Peringsingan can be divided into two, namely (1) communal property or joint property such as profit temple owned by the village, owned by sekeha, the results are enjoyed by individuals or residents may be inherited and can be sold limitedly within the village community and (2) private property the residents of Tenganan Peringsingan village are still recognized but regulated or fully utilized for ceremonies and the common and personal interests of outsiders of the village. This privately owned land is divided into two types: first, dry land in the form of moors, where the plants are dominated by coconut trees and others, which are cultivated underneath, and bet jaka, where the plants are dominated by jaka or palm trees and the soil underneath is not cultivated, including mixed plants, which are processed like forest. The two rice fields, some of which already use technical irrigation but some still use the Subak tradition, namely the traditional social organization based on Tri Hita Karana Parhyangan, pawongan and Palembangh (Widya, 2005:12)
CONCLUSION
From the results of the presentation on the Duality of Traditional
Villages and Service Villages in Tenganan Peringsingan which is stated, then on this occasion the
researcher will draw the following conclusions.
First, there are four reasons for the duality of governance of
traditional villages and official villages in Tenganan
Peringsingan. (1). Social Development Modernization
Factors Society must be able to adapt to developments that occur as a result of
modernity. efforts to maintain the cultural and religious purity of the Tenganan Peringsingan Traditional
Village. However, along with the development of the times, this is more about
adjusting the times to achieve organizational effectiveness and efficiency in the
social life of the community so that a balance of functions, duties and shared
responsibilities for the welfare of the community is achieved. (2). The state
power factor, that the state power factor is a strategy from the authorities or
the government to maintain a balance in maintaining customs and fulfilling the
legality needs of the state. (3) The government program factor, an agency
office is formed as a counterweight to the existence of traditional villages as
a function of religion and culture in accommodative movement towards government
programs (4). The fact of religion and culture cannot be separated from human
life where humans must still know, maintain and preserve their culture so that
any changes that occur do not eliminate the original character of the culture
itself.
Second, there are three forms of the duality concept of Traditional
Villages and Service Villages in Tenganan Pegringsingan that we encountered in this research, namely
as follows. (1). The Form of the Traditional Village The
Function of Religion and Culture, The development of a new organizational
culture will always exist and will continue to appear in every life of the
community, but with the existence of strength in individuals and community
groups in the Tenganan Traditional Village who love
their cultural identity, the traditional uniqueness of the Tenganan
Traditional Village is maintained. Tenganan village
residents support and accept the duality structure of institutions in Tenganan village well. (2) The form of Desa
Dinas is the embodiment of a new culture in the government system which is a
pattern or structure that is born in the socio-political system as a result of
interactions between various actors who influence each other who carry out the
mandate of the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. This form is a method
used to distribute power/authority and manage public resources. the duality of
institutions with the Traditional Village and Service Village systems in Tenganan Pegringsingan is able to
create official village institutions with a better governance system (3) Forms
of Synergy/Collaboration and Communication of Traditional Villages and Service
Villages, have existed for a long time and have been running very well well and support each other in the form of good social
interaction. various kinds of programs that have been born both from policy to
physical development. The duality of the Traditional Village and the Service
Village has a duality relationship, meaning that the structure and agency have
clear concepts and functions as well as mutual synergy, collaboration,
commitment, interaction and mutual support for one another.
Third, there are three implications that we focus on and encounter in
this study, namely (1). The duality of Indigenous Villages and Service Villages
seems to have an impact on maintaining the customs of Tenganan
Pegringsingan, in fact it does not have a direct
impact, this is because before the official village was present the traditional
village with its own rules was already able to maintain its customs and
traditions but with the development of modernization and knowledge, the
existence of the village the service is also very important as a traditional
village partner in maintaining customs, with the concept that together it will make
it easier and lighten the burden on traditional villages with the concept of
other local wisdom values originating from Hindu religious
teachings. (2). The duality of the Traditional Village and the Service really
has an impact on the performance of the Government, as a government
organizational structure formed based on the 1945 Constitution, there are many
obligations that must be done, in the implementation of the program the bias
achieves good targets and some are not optimal. So to
maximize performance, which is still not optimal, the role of traditional
villages is involved, it is admitted that the power of traditional villages to
the community is still very high at this time. So that this is the key to the
success of the official village performance in its duties and functions. (3).
The duality of Traditional Villages and Service Villages has implications for
the welfare of the people in Tenganan Peringsingan. Tenganan is a
village that is economically and food self-sufficient. So that the presence of
this duality actually does not have a direct impact, but because of the old
village so that the management and utilization of the results of this asset is
only given to karma gumi, outside of that they do not
get special rights like karma gumi, so that is also
the reason for the development of global market expansion, modern culture in
the form product market patterns are increasingly diverse. So that this duality
function is important to become a forum for the cultural expansion of this new
economic pattern that has emerged and will have an impact on fulfilling
people's welfare in general for the community.
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