Eduvest � Journal of Universal Studies

Volume 2, Number 11, November 2022

p- ISSN 2775-3735- e-ISSN 2775-3727

 

 

DUALITY OF CUSTOM VILLAGES AND SERVICE VILLAGES

IN TENGANGAN PEGRINGSINGAN

 

 

Agus Sumahendra, I Wayan Sukayasa, Ni Wayan Karmini

Universitas Hindu Indonesia, Denpasar, Indonesia
Email: [email protected], [email protected],

[email protected]

 

ABSTRACT

 

Indonesia is a people-sovereign constitutional state and is a unitary state in the form of a republic. As a rule-of-law country, Indonesia must comply with the concept of a rule-of-law state in general in the world, namely as a country based on a constitution, adhering to democratic principles, recognizing and protecting human rights, as well an independent and impartial judiciary. The purpose of this study was to determine the duality of traditional villages and official villages in Tenganan Peringsingan. This research is field research with a research concentration namely the Duality of Government of Traditional Villages and Service Villages in Tenganan Pegringsingan. First, there are four reasons for the duality of governance of traditional villages and official villages in Tenganan Peringsingan. (1). Social Development Modernization Factors Society must be able to adapt to developments that occur as a result of modernity. efforts to maintain the cultural and religious purity of the Tenganan Peringsingan Traditional Village

 

KEYWORDS

custom villages; service villages; constitutional

 

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International

 

 

INTRODUCTION

Indonesia is a people-sovereign constitutional state and is a unitary state in the form of a republic. As a rule of law, Indonesia must comply with the concept of a rule of law in general in the world, namely as a constitutional state, adhering to democratic principles, recognizing and protecting human rights, as well as having an independent and impartial judiciary. So that the legal products of a country that are used as the foundation of a state in Indonesia are the 1945 Law and Pancasila.

In elaborating on the 1945 Law, the State provides a delegation of authority called decentralization which is a concept that implies the delegation of authority from the central government to lower-level governments to manage their own territory. Decentralization aims to enable the government to further improve the efficiency and effectiveness of its service functions to all levels of society. This means that decentralization shows a vertical building of the form of state power. In Indonesia, the adoption of decentralization was later manifested in the form of a very broad Regional Autonomy policy for the regions, especially cities and regencies, the implementation of regional autonomy carried out by the central government to regional governments was carried out to improve various programs throughout the territory of the country.

The implementation of decentralization and regional autonomy policies has entered its third round since the 1998 reform, namely the first round based on Law No. 22 of 1999 and the second round based on Law no. 32 of 2004 and the third round of Law No. 23 of 2014. And all stakeholder components and the implementation of decentralization and regional autonomy policies certainly hope that this round will be better than the previous round

Regional Autonomy is basically the right, authority and obligation of the region to regulate and manage its own household. This right is obtained through the transfer of government affairs from the central government to regional governments in accordance with the conditions and capabilities of the respective Regional Autonomy and Village Decentralization regions. Regional Autonomy as a manifestation of the adherence to the principle of decentralization, is expected to be able to provide the best service to the community. Because the authority received by the Regions through Regional Autonomy will give "freedom" to the Regions. In terms of carrying out various actions that are expected to be in accordance with the conditions and aspirations of the people in the region. This assumption is caused because logically the Regional Government is closer to the community, so it will know better what is the demand and desire of the community.

Based on the MPR RI Decree No. XV/MPR/1998, regional autonomy is carried out by giving broad, real, and proportionally responsible authority to the regions which is realized by regulating, distributing, and utilizing central and regional finances. In addition, the implementation of regional autonomy is carried out with the principles of democracy, community participation, equitable distribution of justice funds, and attention to regional potential and diversity. According to Law Number 23 of 2014, the meaning of decentralization is the transfer of government affairs from the center to the regions. The delegation of authority to regional governments is solely to achieve an effective and efficient government.

This condition cannot be denied the fact that the village administration is an extension of supra-village authorities, namely from the sub-district, district, provincial governments to the central government. As a result, the official village government has a strong baking in running the wheels of government. Moreover, with the jargon of developmentism, under the pretext of development, the official village government can freely carry out its government system and prove how strong the position of the official village is today.

This position again looks comfortable with the issuance of Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning villages, Autonomy which is framed by Law Number 6 of 2014 has a philosophical basis that gave birth to Service Villages. In this Law, Village is defined as a legal community unit that has territorial boundaries that are authorized to regulate and manage government affairs, local community interests based on community initiatives, origin rights, and/or traditional rights that are recognized and respected within the government system of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia.

Talking about official villages, they did not appear recently but have quite a long historical value, especially in Bali, starting when the Dutch East Indies government entered South Bali (1906-1908) to replace the royal position over villages in Bali. In administering government in Bali, the Dutch colonial government implemented two systems of government; the system of direct government under the Dutch and the system of self-government by the kings is called the autonomous region. In administering government, the Dutch Government formed a village service and used the Perbekel as its representative to oversee the situation in the village. With the Perbekel appointed by themselves, the Dutch built an administrative institution at the village level by forming a new village formed by the colonial government. With the new village, it is expected that there will be 200 villagers who are ready to carry out forced labor duties (Desa adat, 2003).

Along with the development of the era and the disappearance of the colonial government from Indonesia, the position of this official village institution was maintained in Bali by issuing the latest regulations, namely Law No. 6 of 2014 concerning Villages. Even though the state has power over its territory, the principle of statehood that it still adheres to is that a good nation is a nation that is able to maintain its culture so that it can be differentiated from other nations. Maintaining national culture in the midst of an onslaught of foreign cultures is not easy. This concept is in line with the condition of the Indonesian nation, which is a country with the nickname of a thousand islands with various ethnicities, tribes, religions and cultural diversity.

In line with (Abdullah, 2006) opinion, globalization and modernization have indeed become big forces that require an appropriate response because they force a strategy of survival and strategy of accumulating wealth for various groups in society. These forces have led the market to become the dominant force in the formation of dominant values ​​and orders that are based on dense and sophisticated communication processes. The market has also broadened people's orientation and mobility across socio-cultural boundaries. The market has obscured the dimensions of high culture (high cultural) due to changes in the orientation of space in society.

The authority of regional autonomy within a unitary state should not be interpreted as the full (free) freedom of a region to carry out its rights and functions of autonomy. In this context, the regions must still consider the national interest as a whole, although it is also possible to give broader powers to the regions. The history of human development shows that due to geographical and geological differences, humans in various parts of the world have experienced different evolutionary processes. The Eskimos in the polar regions, for example, have their own way of life in accordance with existing natural challenges, which then give birth to cultural forms of society as their identity. The alliance between those with the same cultural and behavioral characteristics then becomes a tribe that is automatically different from other tribes around the world (Yuhdi, 2012: 25)

So Indonesia stands on the basis of a philosophy that is the whole local culture that exists in every region in Indonesia. National culture in the view of Ki Hajar Dewantara is "the peaks of regional culture". The quote from this statement refers to the understanding of unity being increasingly strengthened, so that unity in diversity is increasingly felt rather than diversity. Its manifestations are in the form of a unitary state, national economy, national law, and national language. Indonesian culture has always experienced changes from time to time, this change occurred due to the factors of the people who really wanted changes and cultural changes to occur very rapidly, namely due to the inclusion of elements of globalization into Indonesian culture. The element of globalization has entered uncontrollably into the national culture which is the incarnation of local culture that exists in every region from Sabang to Merauke (Tobroni, 2012).

Then the 1945 Constitution also, in Article 32 paragraphs (1) and (2) which also reads: Paragraph (1) The state advances Indonesian national culture in the midst of world civilization by guaranteeing the freedom of the people to maintain and develop their cultural values ​​and paragraph ( 2) The state respects and maintains regional languages ​​as national cultural assets. What is stated in article 32, regulates the Government of Indonesia based on the principle of community and local genus or its Cultural Values ​​considering that Indonesia has a variety of tribes, cultures and customs.

Talking about village issues as a form of government in Bali, one can refer to two terminologies, namely official villages and customary villages. The traditional village, which according to Haar (Suda, 2008) is called a territorial community, is a form of social unit whose activities are always related to matters related to custom and religion, so that traditional village activities are more focused on the field of traditional and religious ceremonies. On the other hand, the official village is a unit of government administration and development (Budiana, 1995).

It is not known exactly when and how the initial process of forming a traditional village in Bali was. There are those who suspect that traditional villages have existed in Bali since the Neolithic era in prehistoric times so that it can be said that traditional villages existed before service villages. The traditional village has the identity of the elements as a community of customary law communities, and has several characteristics that distinguish it from other social groups. These distinguishing features include the existence of certain areas that have clear boundaries, where most of the residents live in these areas and the presence of sacred buildings belonging to traditional villages in the form of kahyangan tiga or kahyangan desa (Dharmayuda, 2001).

One of the local cultural potentials owned by the Province of Bali is the Traditional Village. Bali Traditional Village according to Hatta's idea, carry out mutual cooperation in carrying out joint activities in the village, and every important decision is taken through the Paruman and decisions are taken with the most votes through deliberation or consensus. Local culture is still recognized for its existence in accordance with article 18 b, Paragraph (2) so that the Provincial Government of Bali, initiated an institution capable of empowering the existence of Traditional Village Institutions in accommodating the social life of the community.

The provincial government of Bali has also issued a policy to protect the existence of Traditional Villages by issuing Bali Provincial Regulation number 4 of 2019 concerning Traditional Villages in Bali. This policy is a guideline for the overall legal basis regarding the existence of Traditional Villages in Bali, by giving strong authority to Traditional Villages and Traditional Villages in Bali with the status of legal subjects in the government system in the province of Bali. In general, Regional Regulation No. 4 of 2019 concerning Traditional Villages regulates the administration of Traditional Villages which includes institutional governance of Traditional Villages and also decision-making institutions.

Regarding the traditional village government system, historically the Balinese people have a system of values, norms and laws that live and are dynamic within the context of the traditional village. In a traditional village, Balinese people are controlled and shaped by a value system, moral system, legal system, and cultural system which become a collective agreement and are the collective expression of a society. So it can be said, the social actions of the Balinese people are strongly influenced by the value system that is constructed when they become krama adat desa. That is, socio-cultural-religious, Balinese society is formed in a forum called traditional village.

So that in subsequent developments as a result of natural law, if you are faced with a side-by-side position for an undetermined period of time, one human being will be interdependent with other human beings, as well as one group will be dependent on another group. Differences in needs and interests between them cause a process of social interaction which can then also become the basis for various conflicts between individuals or between groups or institutions that have mutual interests with one another. This interest can also be based on ethnicity, language, culture and religion, in addition to social institutions and political, geographical, economic and administrative considerations.

Reducing conflicts of interest and overlapping in carrying out the duties and functions of each institution, to the dualism of the existence of Traditional Villages and Service Villages in Bali, various solutions are sought based on aesthetic, ethical and religious principles in the past by the Dutch government forming official villages and still exist and continue now in the era of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia which is meant by uniformity of form. Moving on from this situation, according to the opinion of (Antl�v & Yuwono, 2002), this form of uniformity also leads to what he calls Javaneseization. According to (Antl�v & Yuwono, 2002) there is a form of village uniformity which also leads to what he calls Jawanization. The interesting thing about the position of these two village administrations is after the enactment of Law No. 5 of 1979 concerning Village Administration. This law standardizes the governance of villages throughout Indonesia.

According to (Atmadja, 2010) in Balinese society, this uniformity creates dualism in the village government system, namely between traditional village government and official village government. Interestingly, according to Atmadja, the relationship between the two is not always an equal partnership, but often leads to a hegemonic and dominative relationship. Related to this dominative relationship, there is a tendency for official villages to be in a super ordinate position, while traditional villages are in a subordinate position.

Furthermore, Utang Suwaryo conveyed that by originating and borrowing the concept of (Eko, 2005) in his book "Village Government Manifesto", then the author modified it, especially in terms of understanding and explanation, then 6 models of choice were offered which could be used as references for making Laws Village Administration. In general, these six models are solutions to the dualism between adat (self-governing community) and village government (local self-government).

The first model: Pure Indigenous Village, this model illustrates that the village is only a local community based on native customs and does not have a village government as stipulated by Law Number 5 of 1979 or Law Number 22 of 1999. This pure traditional village is like occurred in local communities in Europe and America. These local communities have local organizations that are more like local associations than government institutions. These local organizations or associations are not subordinate to a higher government structure, and do not carry out administrative and governmental tasks assigned by the government, but only carry out the function of taking care of local affairs. local and voluntary.

This organization does not question the issues of decentralization and local autonomy related to government at all, except only as a form of social capital used by citizens to help themselves, work together, build trust, and can also serve as a basis for civil society to participate in development. Even though it is not related to decentralization, it does not mean that the government allows the local community to live. The area and residents in the local community remain the authority and responsibility of the government, especially those responsible for providing public services (education, health, housing, drinking water, electricity, transportation, etc.) which local organizations cannot possibly handle alone. If this model is chosen, then the consequence is that the village as a local government institution (local self-government) is removed because decentralization and formal democracy are no longer in the village, but are at the district level. Administrative matters for residents are centered at the sub-district level and in certain units formed by the sub-district as an extension of its hands. The government is still obliged to provide public services to the community and carry out village development to all corners of the village.

This model seems to be suitable for indigenous peoples who are still strong with their traditional values, which so far have failed to integrate adat and official villages. In some areas, such as Papua and East Nusa Tenggara, there has always been a dualism between administrative villages and customary community units. Administrative village government does not work effectively, while indigenous peoples have more or less control over communal land and gain social legitimacy in front of local residents. As an alternative, the administrative village government is completely abolished, while the indigenous peoples' unit as a self-governing community is revitalized to manage itself without having to deal with government administration issues and not getting the burden of work from the government. This model will certainly end the dualism between traditional villages and official villages, while at the same time strengthening adat as the basis of local communities.

The second model: Administrative Villages, this model is exactly the same as villages in Java, which generally have long developed as modern local government institutions that have abandoned adat. The modernization of village government through Law Number 5 of 1979 was relatively successful in implementing in Java, even Law Number 22 of 1999 was an embryo for the growth of villages as local self-government which took into account the spirit of self-governing community. This can be seen in the traditions of governance, development and community management that are inherent in the villages. Incrementally, villages in Java have begun to cultivate the ability to manage governance and development properly, while the arena of democracy and civil society has also begun to grow. Even though not most, many villages in Java are led by progressive village heads, who forge good skills, have strategic plans as guidelines for governance and development, and prepare good (accountable, transparent and participatory) Village APBs. Villages like this are relatively ready to be transformed into self-government. In this context, it certainly needs to be further strengthened by a new village law in which the position and authority of the village is more adapted to the demands and social changes that are occurring.

The third model: the Integration Model between Adat and Administrative Village, or there is a fusion between village and adat. This model is exactly the same as the current state of the nagari in West Sumatra. West Sumatra has launched a "return to the nagari" since 2000 which integrates the administrative village with the adat nagari into a single nagari container. If previously there was dualism between the administrative village government and the adat nagari (and adat experienced marginalization), now there is integration into the nagari, so that the nagari grows to become the local state. The Nagari combines local self-government and self-governing community schemes, or upholds the principle of tali tigo sapilin (state, religion and custom). Nagari recognizes the division of powers based on the trias politica: executive (nagari government), legislative (nagari representative body), and judiciary (drapatan adat nagari as well as assemblies and syarak) whose job is to become local judicial institutions (local conflict resolution, not criminal) and give advice to the executive and the legislature so that nagari policies remain in accordance with adat and religion.

The fourth model: The �Customary and Village Dualism� model, the most prominent example of this model is the villages in Bali. Until now, Bali still has two forms of villages, namely official villages and customary (traditional) villages. The official village is an extension of the government's bureaucracy that regulates and takes care of government administration and development issues. Whereas traditional villages carry out the function of caring for customs, control over the official village government, including controlling the use of customary land from state intervention and capital. So far, traditional villages are not willing to be merged with official villages as experienced in West Sumatra, because they do not want to lose their autonomy and adat, and are not willing to be positioned hierarchically under the state. Utang Suwaryo conveyed that the dualistic scheme is interesting, because it is different from the triaspolitical doctrine, the powers of villages in Bali are separated according to government and development lines which are the domain of official villages while community affairs are the domain of traditional villages. The traditional village becomes a local community organization that becomes the identity, basis of autonomy and control of the official village government. Thus the traditional village becomes an arena for civil society and citizen participation. In contrast to the Kerapatan Adat Nagari in West Sumatra which is integrated and participates in "controlling" the nagari government, traditional villages in Bali have their own autonomous domain and participate in "influence" or "control" the official village.

The fifth model: Kelurahan model, here there are no customs and no villages. Kelurahan is a form of state bureaucratic administrative unit that works at the local level, or often referred to as the local state government. Unlike the village, the kelurahan does not have autonomy, but only carries out administrative tasks delegated from above. The head of the kelurahan is the lurah, who has the status of a civil servant and his position as an appointed administrative (career) official. He is not responsible to the people, but to the officials who appointed him.

The sixth model: the Desa Praja model, this is a kind of level III region (if a province is considered a level I region and a district or city is considered a level II region). The position of this praja village is not only as part of the district, but also as part of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. This is what is called devolution for the village. Confirmation of the position of the village is also accompanied by a proportional division (distribution) of authority between the center, provinces, districts/cities and villages. In this way, the villages will clearly have more concrete devolutive and distributive authority, no longer dry authority or unclear residual authority.

Moving on from the model offered above, the case of Bali in this case still maintains the fourth model "Adat and Village Dualism", but in this model it is still entitled dualism instead of duality. But not. Because without an easy reason, given the situation and conditions in Bali, there are still various forms of traditional villages that have chosen this model, even though there was a discourse before Law 6 was born at that time to choose to register a Traditional Village or Service Village at the Village Ministry, considering that there are still many the pros and cons of the situation chose to register traditional villages and official villages so that the government has until now established the concept of dualism in Bali. One of the materials for discussion in the field is to emphasize the position of a traditional village if it is registered, it will be like a nagari in Sumatra concurrently serving administrative government affairs for fear that it will erode the culture and religion of these traditional institutions.

In line with (Triguna, 2016) customary villages are built based on the concept of tri hita karana. As a cultural conception, tri hita karana is implemented in three dimensions. First, is the human relationship with God (sukerta tata parhyangan). This conception emphasizes the importance of the existence of kahyangan tiga for every member of the traditional village. Maintaining palinggih and rites in every kahyangan, cultivating sacred arts, and expressions of deepening religion are the duties and functions of traditional villages.

Second, is the human-human relationship or called sukerta tata pawongan. In this dimension the emphasis is on ethics in behavior, both within the family, between families, banjar, and traditional villages. The ethics in question is that every member of the customary village has the same position and role before customary rules, as long as those concerned have become krama. In this equality of rights and obligations, the importance of the principle of reciprocity is put forward, namely the obligation to give in the hope of receiving the same thing. The synergy of these two factors causes traditional village communities in Bali to tend to be homogeneous in reference to values, characters, and choices of available alternatives in relation to interpreting and understanding their social environment.

Third, is the relationship between humans and the environment (sukerta tata palehan), related to the clarity of the customary village boundaries. The structure of the kahyangan and the village, as well as the pattern of settlement of the members of the traditional village community, are in accordance with the tri mandala concept. Hindus in Bali are taught wisely and wisely to maintain a harmonious relationship with nature. The need for the social and physical world reinforces the assumption that humans cannot live well if they are alienated from their social environment. This is what is suspected as one of the factors that led to the survival of the traditional village government, amidst the strong hegemony of the official village government, in addition to other factors.

Regarding the customary government system in Bali, in general it can be divided into two types, namely the plains Balinese government system (Majapahit) and the Balinese mountain government system (Bali Aga or Bali Mula). What distinguishes the government system of plains Bali from mountainous Bali is, where the government system in plains Bali uses the concept of trimurti or all-round three in managing its life system (parahyangan, pawongan, and paleahan), while the system of government in mountainous Bali uses the concept of rwabhineda (ulu and teben). , an ideological view based on the teachings of rwabhineda, namely the harmonization of two contradictions.

One of the Traditional Villages in Bali and an Old Village, namely the Tenganan Pegringsingan Traditional Village, which has its own uniqueness that is different from other villages in Bali. The uniqueness of the Tenganan Pegringsingan Traditional Village also influences the arrangement of rules or awig-awig from the village so that these rules apply in the village of Tenganan Pegringsingan. The awig-awig gave birth to a government structure which would later govern the order in the Tenganan Pegringsingan Traditional Village. In the awig-awig of the Tenganan Pegringsingan Traditional Village, it is explained about the history of traditional village leadership, beliefs and yajnya ceremonies, order and security, marriage, community and customary obligations, legal regulations, prohibitions, debt matters, distribution of inheritance, witnesses and fines these things apply from generation to generation and have never changed since the founding of the village of Tenganan Pegringsingan, apart from the uniqueness of the regulations of the Traditional Village of Tenganan Pegringsingan it also has many uniqueness such as language, Balinese calendar/padewasan and others

According to (Sumunar et al., 2017) Tenganan Pegringsingan Village is a village that is very conservative towards their ancestral heritage. This is because the people of Tenganan always prioritize balance in various matters. Tenganan Pegringsingan Village has a population of approximately 670 people who are members of 232 families. Interestingly, in the traditional village of Tenganan, there is an adat social structure in the form of 10 groups that differentiate one's role in the village, the main tasks and functions of each. However, the existence of such a social structure does not mean that there is a difference in the level of social status between groups. Among the 10 groups, namely the Sanghyang, Ngijeng, Batu Guling Mage, Batu Guling, Empa Buluh, Soldier, Pande Mas, Pande Besi, Pasek, and Bendesa.

The people of Tenganan still maintain the life values ​​of their ancestors to this day. This includes things that greatly affect them in terms of livelihood. Until now, the majority of the people of Tenganan village still depend on farming, besides some have received a touch from tourism and the government by making various kinds of regional handicrafts famous to foreign countries. One of them is the Gringsing woven craft which has special features and makes it very popular among people in the world.

One of the other unique things about the Tenganan community is that even though they now have money, in fact many people still use the barter system for their daily needs. From the social system that has been developed, that the people of Tenganan Village consist of native residents of the local village. This is because the marriage system adopted is a parental system where women and men in the family have the same degree and are entitled to become heirs. The local community is bound by awigawig (customary law) which requires marriage to be carried out with fellow residents of Tenganan Village, because if this is violated, the resident is not allowed to become krama (citizen) of the village, meaning that he must leave Tenganan Village. Apart from marriage, there are many more awig-awig which are applied in the way of life of the Tenganan indigenous people, such as those related to customary sanctions, kinship, inheritance and so on. (Sugianto & Liao, 2014)

The customary laws that exist in Tenganan Village are still very strong and are strictly adhered to by the village community. The customary law in this village is referred to as the Tenganan constitution and the Tenganan customary government system. This customary law in Tenganan Village has been around for a long time, even before the existence of knowledge that studied governance and the state to run a wheel of government. The rotation of customary law and the government system of Tenganan Village continues to rotate well even though the flow of globalization is so swift and modernity is increasingly widespread.

No matter how strong the flow of modernization and the development of power and knowledge hit the life of the village community, especially Tenganan Pegringsingan Village, this village can still survive harmoniously, especially regarding the current conditions, namely the duality of governance of Traditional Villages and Service Villages which are still running well . Departing from the description above, it can be described that in addition to the currents of modernization, power and knowledge that hit the lives of traditional village communities in Bali in general and the people of Tengangan Pegringsingan Village in particular, a new cultural system called official villages also tends to overshadow the existence of traditional village government in Bali, but in fact the governance system of the traditional village of Tenganan Pegringsingan, its traditional culture which is very strong with its ulu-apad system, still survives and seems to be able to coexist well with the services which are the product of power and knowledge as a form of modernization accommodation.

It is very interesting to study academically the existence of the duality of traditional villages and official villages that still adhere to the ulu-apad system, such as in Tenganan Pegeringsingan Village compared to other villages in Bali, because even though this village has long been in contact with the world of modernization, this village has been used as an object of tourism, however, Tenganan Pegringsingan Village is able to maintain the values ​​of local wisdom passed down from generation to generation by its ancestors, including the harmonization of its government system, in the form of the duality of Traditional Village and Service Village of Tenganan Pegringsingan which is not only interesting, but also very important to study immediately academically.���

 

RESEARCH METHOD

The term method is often associated with the term approach, strategy and technique, which is the method used by researchers to find understanding in line with the focus and objectives set. According to Sugiyono the research method is basically a scientific way to obtain data with specific purposes and uses. The scientific way in question is Rational, Empirical and Systematic. Rational means that research activities are carried out in a way that makes sense, so that it is within reach of human reasoning.

Empirical means that the methods used can be observed by the human senses, so that people can observe and know the methods used. Systematic here means that the process used in a study uses certain logical steps (Sugiyono, 2011)

According to (Moleong, 2021), research design is an attempt to plan and determine all possibilities and equipment needed in aqualitative research. Meanwhile Lincoln and Guba (in Moelong, 1996:237) state that there are at least ten possibilities and equipment which are also commonly called elements of research, including, (1) research focus; (2) paradigm suitability with focus; (3) paradigm suitability with substantive theory; (4) research subjects; (5) research stages; (6) research techniques; (7) data collection; (8) data analysis; (9) research equipment; and (10) checking the validity of the data.

This research is a field research (field research) with a research concentration namely the Duality of Traditional Village Government and Service Village in Tenganan Pegringsingan. This study uses a qualitative approach. Therefore, the emphasis is not on measurement, but on seeking subjective meaning from the research subject itself.

 

RESULT AND DISCUSSION

Tenganan pegringsingan traditional village is located between the cities of Amlapura and Denpasar, which is approximately 18 km from the city of Amlapura and 67 km from the city of Denpasar. The location of the village is a bit inland from the main road, namely Jalan Raya Amlapura-Denpasa. Gives the impression of a remote village from the crowd. However, at that time the only main road that connected the village to the main road was paved and could be traversed by various motorized vehicles. This village is located approximately 2 km from the seaside with an altitude of approximately 70 - 400 meters above sea level with an average temperature of around 28 - 30� Celsius (Maria & Anshori, 2013).

�The location of Tenganan Peringsingan Village is also not far away, both from centers of economic and government activities, such as: (1) the distance between Tenganan Village and Manggis District is 9 km, (2). the distance between Tenganan Village and Karangasem Regency is 17 km, the distance between Tenganan Village and the provincial capital of Bali is 65 km, (3) the distance between Tenganan Village and Ngurah Rai Airport is 68 km, (4) the distance between Tenganan Village and Padang Bai Harbor is 11 km, (5) the distance Tenganan Village with the Ulakan market 9.25 km, (6) the distance between Tenganan Village and the bugbug market is 8 km (Suarjana & Suprapti, 2018)

To be able to get to and from Tenganan Peringsingan village is not difficult because there are adequate roads and means of transportation. The transportation facilities that can be used by the people of Tenganan Peringsingan to the center of economic or government activity are (1) to point to and from the Capital City of the Manggis District, you can use public minibus transportation which can be reached in approximately 10 minutes, (2) to go to and leave the capital of Karangasem Regency can use public transportation microbus which can be reached in approximately 35 minutes, (3) To go to and from the provincial capital city you can use bus vehicles or Colt, Isuzu Minibus which can be reached in approximately 2.5 hours. those who bring their own vehicle travel from Denpasar city in less than 2 hours for four-wheeled vehicles and more than 2 hours for 2-wheeled vehicles (motorcycles). the trip to the village will not encounter many obstacles because all the roads in Denpasar and Amlapura are well paved (Suarjana & Suprapti, 2018)

Administratively, the Tenganan Peringsingan traditional village is in Tenganan Village, Manggis District, Karangasem Regency. its boundaries are (1) to the north, Macang Traditional Village, Bebandem District, (2) to the east, Bungaya Traditional Village, Asak Traditional Village, Timbrah Traditional Village, Karangasem District, (3) to the south of Pesedahan Traditional Village, Nyuhtebel Traditional Village, Tenganan Dauh Tukad Traditional Village and (4) west of Ngis Traditional Village.

Around the VIII century, during the Balinese customary era, there were governments called manca, including Manca Nyuhtebel, Manca Tenganan, Manca Manggis. Approximately in 1906 the manca-mentioned above was abolished and replaced with the term Perbekel. In the village of Tenganan itself, there is the Perbekel, who was the first to lead the village of Tenganan, which was held successively by I KARTI (late) in 1933-1940. Since under the government of Tenganan Village, it has consisted of 3 (three) Traditional Villages namely :

1.     Tenganan Pegringsingan Traditional Village

2.     Tenganan Dauh Tukad Traditional Village

3.     Gumung Traditional Village.

Besides that, each of the Traditional Villages mentioned above has the smallest area within the Village Government environment, namely the Hamlet or Neighborhood. The Tenganan Village consists of 5 (five) Banjar Dinas namely:

1.     The Tenganan Pegringsingan Office Banjar.

2.     The Tenganan Dauh Tukad Office Banjar

3.     Banjar Service Mountains

4.     Banjar Bukit Kangin Service.

5.     Banjar Bukit Kauh Service.

Headmaster I Karti (deceased) was then replaced by I NENGAH SUJI (late) in 1941-1952 at that time the administration was running normally because previously administrative services were carried out in their respective homes until the Mount Agung disaster erupted which at that time many refugees came from remote areas of Karangasem Regency. After the government of I Nengah Suji (late) was replaced by I Nyoman Rumi (late) in 1953-1962, after the government of I Nyoman Rumi (late) was replaced by I Nyoman Suarna (late) in 1963-1971. After the government I Nyoman Suarna (late) was replaced by I Made Pasek (late) in 1972-1982, after the government I Made Pasek (late) was replaced by I NYOMAN SADRA, BA in 1983-1993. After the government of I Nyoman Sadra, Ba was replaced by DRS. I Nengah Journalist in 1994-1998, then replaced by Plt. Perbekel namely I Ketut Sudimbia, BA. (late) in 1998-2001. Furthermore, according to the results of the village head election and continued with the inauguration of the village head on October 1, 2002, Tenganan Village was led by I PUTU SUARJANA, SS in 2002-2008. And after the election for village heads was held again, Tenganan Village was led By I Putu Suarjana, SS for the second time, namely in 2008-2014. And after the end of the term of office of bekel I Putu Suarjana, SS, it was continued with the holding of a bekel election on December 1, 2014, Tenganan Village for the 2014-2019 period was led by I PUTU YUDIANA, ST who was appointed on January 9, 2014. I Ketut Sudiastika will continue his leadership in the 2020-2025 period as Headquarters of Tenganan who was elected through the election of Headmasters on 24 November 2019.

The Tenganan Pegringsingan traditional village can be divided into three complexes, namely the residential complex, the plantation complex, and the rice field complex. This settled pattern complex is included in the Dinas Village, which consists of five service Banjars, namely (1) Service Banjar Tenganan Pegringsingan, (2) Banjar Gumung, (3) Tenganan Dauh Tukad Banjar, (4) Bukit Kangin Banjar and 5 Bukit Kauh Banjar. Tenganan pegringsingan traditional village is divided into 3 traditional Banjars, namely (1) Kauh traditional Banjar, (2) Central Banjar, (3) Kangin or Pande traditional Banjar. Banja Pande is divided into, namely, Pande Kaja (Tengangan Tengah) and Pande Kelod (Wong Angendok Jenak) (Widya Kusuma Ningrum, 2021).

As a whole and legal territorial unit, the Tenganan Pegringsingan Traditional Village has territorial boundaries with several other villages such as; to the north of Panggang Village, to the south to Nyuh Tebel Village, to the west of Ngis Village, and to the east of Asak Village. Regarding village boundaries according to custom, it is also recorded in Awig-Awig Tenganan Village chapter 12 which reads as follows:

�Mwah tingkah wates sawewengkon prabumiyan wong desane ring Tenganan Pegringsingan, sane kawengku kabukti kagamel antuk wong desa ika, wates pangetan mawates antuk kepuh rangdu, panjaite ka Bugbug, mang utawi odang diasah bukite marurungan manungked kapaisisir Candi Dasa, watese panjaite kapasedahan mablat pangkung, dajan pasedahane, kangin kawuh sedajan pangkung, kabukti antuk wong desa ika sinalih tunggal, wates panjaite ka Tenganan Dauh Tukad mawates antuk rurung, sadelod kepoeh kadrewe antuk I Tenganan Dawuh Tukad, wates panjaite kangin, di bukite dawuh Tnganan Pagringsingan sasuhuhu rawuh kadrewe antuk ngis sahasah bukite ngraris kala nungked sadlod Macang mawates tegas mawasta pulapulapan, ngaris kangin anungked kacarike mawasta batu asah, mangraris manglod kanginang manungked kadesa kawrekasta/a, manglodang margine mageng, sadawuh marga manungked ka Bungaya, sadawuh pangkung sadawuh griyane ring Bungaya, panjaite ka Bungaya, sadawuh pangkung prabumiyan Tenganan Pagringsingan, mangraris mengelodang sadawuh pangkung manungked panjaite kahasak, mancangked tlabah pandusan, mangraris manglod kanginang nungked katlabah umasai, sadawuh tlabah manglodang mancangked panjaite katimbrah, sadawuh pangkung dawuh desa ne ring Timrah, mawasta pangkung jlinjing yeh inem , sadawuh punika prabumiyan Tenganan Pagringsingan, mangraris manglodang wates panjaite ka Bugbug, jlinjing madaging batu mageng, dajan desa ne ring bugbug, mangraris mangkawuhang nungked kabukite dangin desane ring Tenganan Pagringsingan mawates kepuh rangdu.�

It means "and regarding the boundaries of the village of Tenganan Pegringsingan, which is the territory held by the villagers, it is bounded to the east by kepuh-rangdu trees, close to Bugbug to the south on the plains of the hill like a tunnel ending at Candi Dasa beach, the boundary is close to Pasedahan interrupted by a ravine to the north of Pasedahan, from east to west to the north of the ravine is controlled by anyone from the village, the boundary where it connects to Dauh Tukad's Hand is limited by a small passageway), to the south the kepuh tree belongs to the village of Tenganan Dauh Tukad, the boundary connects from the east, on the hill in the west of Tenganan Pagringsingannya, the western hemisphere belongs to Ngis Village, as flat as the hill to the north it ends in the south of Macang village it borders on a moor called Paulap-ulapan, continues to the east it ends in a rice field called Batu Asah , continues to the southeast it ends in Kawrekastala village (Kastala now), go south on the west side of the main road until you reach the village of Bungaya on the other side West of the ravine which is to the west of the Geriya (house of Brahmins) in Bungaya, closes to Bungaya to the west of the ravine in the village of Tenganan Pagringsingan, continues south to the west of the ravine ending closer to Asak Village, until it reaches a tlabah (gutter) called Pandusan, continues to the southeast to the Umasai ditch, to the west of the ditch to the south it ends at Timrah Village named Pangkung Jalinjing Yeh lnem, to the west of the Tenganan Pegringsingan area until it closes to Bugbug in a ditch filled with large stones, to the north of Bugbug village continues to the west ending at the hill to the east of Tenganan Pagringsingan Village is bordered by rangdu kepuh trees.

Based on the Awig-Awig records of Tenganan Pegringsingan Village above, the village boundaries listed in the village Awig-Awig above are still valid today, it's just that there have been changes in the terms of place names which are now no longer recognized by generations of supporters. For example, reminder boundaries such as the name of the kepuh rangdu tree, maybe these trees are no longer there or have been replaced with other trees

Ownership of land in the village of Tenganan Peringsingan can be divided into two, namely (1) communal property or joint property such as profit temple owned by the village, owned by sekeha, the results are enjoyed by individuals or residents may be inherited and can be sold limitedly within the village community and (2) private property the residents of Tenganan Peringsingan village are still recognized but regulated or fully utilized for ceremonies and the common and personal interests of outsiders of the village. This privately owned land is divided into two types: first, dry land in the form of moors, where the plants are dominated by coconut trees and others, which are cultivated underneath, and bet jaka, where the plants are dominated by jaka or palm trees and the soil underneath is not cultivated, including mixed plants, which are processed like forest. The two rice fields, some of which already use technical irrigation but some still use the Subak tradition, namely the traditional social organization based on Tri Hita Karana Parhyangan, pawongan and Palembangh (Widya, 2005:12)

 

CONCLUSION

From the results of the presentation on the Duality of Traditional Villages and Service Villages in Tenganan Peringsingan which is stated, then on this occasion the researcher will draw the following conclusions.

First, there are four reasons for the duality of governance of traditional villages and official villages in Tenganan Peringsingan. (1). Social Development Modernization Factors Society must be able to adapt to developments that occur as a result of modernity. efforts to maintain the cultural and religious purity of the Tenganan Peringsingan Traditional Village. However, along with the development of the times, this is more about adjusting the times to achieve organizational effectiveness and efficiency in the social life of the community so that a balance of functions, duties and shared responsibilities for the welfare of the community is achieved. (2). The state power factor, that the state power factor is a strategy from the authorities or the government to maintain a balance in maintaining customs and fulfilling the legality needs of the state. (3) The government program factor, an agency office is formed as a counterweight to the existence of traditional villages as a function of religion and culture in accommodative movement towards government programs (4). The fact of religion and culture cannot be separated from human life where humans must still know, maintain and preserve their culture so that any changes that occur do not eliminate the original character of the culture itself.

Second, there are three forms of the duality concept of Traditional Villages and Service Villages in Tenganan Pegringsingan that we encountered in this research, namely as follows. (1). The Form of the Traditional Village The Function of Religion and Culture, The development of a new organizational culture will always exist and will continue to appear in every life of the community, but with the existence of strength in individuals and community groups in the Tenganan Traditional Village who love their cultural identity, the traditional uniqueness of the Tenganan Traditional Village is maintained. Tenganan village residents support and accept the duality structure of institutions in Tenganan village well. (2) The form of Desa Dinas is the embodiment of a new culture in the government system which is a pattern or structure that is born in the socio-political system as a result of interactions between various actors who influence each other who carry out the mandate of the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. This form is a method used to distribute power/authority and manage public resources. the duality of institutions with the Traditional Village and Service Village systems in Tenganan Pegringsingan is able to create official village institutions with a better governance system (3) Forms of Synergy/Collaboration and Communication of Traditional Villages and Service Villages, have existed for a long time and have been running very well well and support each other in the form of good social interaction. various kinds of programs that have been born both from policy to physical development. The duality of the Traditional Village and the Service Village has a duality relationship, meaning that the structure and agency have clear concepts and functions as well as mutual synergy, collaboration, commitment, interaction and mutual support for one another.

Third, there are three implications that we focus on and encounter in this study, namely (1). The duality of Indigenous Villages and Service Villages seems to have an impact on maintaining the customs of Tenganan Pegringsingan, in fact it does not have a direct impact, this is because before the official village was present the traditional village with its own rules was already able to maintain its customs and traditions but with the development of modernization and knowledge, the existence of the village the service is also very important as a traditional village partner in maintaining customs, with the concept that together it will make it easier and lighten the burden on traditional villages with the concept of other local wisdom values ​​originating from Hindu religious teachings. (2). The duality of the Traditional Village and the Service really has an impact on the performance of the Government, as a government organizational structure formed based on the 1945 Constitution, there are many obligations that must be done, in the implementation of the program the bias achieves good targets and some are not optimal. So to maximize performance, which is still not optimal, the role of traditional villages is involved, it is admitted that the power of traditional villages to the community is still very high at this time. So that this is the key to the success of the official village performance in its duties and functions. (3). The duality of Traditional Villages and Service Villages has implications for the welfare of the people in Tenganan Peringsingan. Tenganan is a village that is economically and food self-sufficient. So that the presence of this duality actually does not have a direct impact, but because of the old village so that the management and utilization of the results of this asset is only given to karma gumi, outside of that they do not get special rights like karma gumi, so that is also the reason for the development of global market expansion, modern culture in the form product market patterns are increasingly diverse. So that this duality function is important to become a forum for the cultural expansion of this new economic pattern that has emerged and will have an impact on fulfilling people's welfare in general for the community.

 

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