How to cite:
Makroen Sanjaya, Andi Faisal Bakti, Ridzki Rinanto Sigit, Rulli
Nasrullah (2022). Reinterpellation And Reimitation Of Conservative
Ideology Of Salafi Through The Mediatization Of Religion On
Instagram Rodja Tv. Journal of Eduvest. Vol 2(10): 1985-1997
E-ISSN:
2775-3727
Published by:
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Eduvest Journal of Universal Studies
Volume 2 Number 10, October, 2022
p- ISSN 2775-3735 - e-ISSN 2775-3727
REINTERPELLATION AND REIMITATION OF
CONSERVATIVE IDEOLOGY OF SALAFI THROUGH THE
MEDIATIZATION OF RELIGION ON INSTAGRAM
RODJATV
Makroen Sanjaya
1
, Andi Faisal Bakti
2
, Ridzki Rinanto Sigit
3
, Rulli Nasrullah
4
1
Communication Science Program of Sahid University & Communication Study
Program, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Muhammadiyah University of
Jakarta, Indonesia
2
Faculty of Dakwah and Communication Studies, UIN Syarif Hidayatullah,
Indonesia
3
Graduate School of Sahid University, Indonesia
4
Faculty of Dakwah and Communication Studies, UIN Syarif Hidayatullah,
Indonesia
Email: makroen@gmail.com, andi.faisal@uinjkt.ac.id, rrsigit01@gmail.com,
kangarul@gmail.com
ABSTRACT
The Salafist community, which is marginalized from
mainstream media in Indonesia, represents the ideology of
Salafus Salih through the mediatization of religion. Salafists
originally preached traditionally but later utilized radio and
television and then websites and social media. This ideological
representation through the mediatization of religion increases
the number of followers so that they can reproduce social
formations to maintain the status quo. For this reason, this
study aims to reveal how Salafists represent the conservative
ideology of Salafus Salih through the mediatization of religion
on Rodjatv's Instagram. Using a critical paradigm and
mediatization of religion theory with virtual ethnographic
methods, this study explains how the conservative ideology of
Salafus Shalih in the mediatization of religion through three
media metaphors, media as a channel, language, and
environment, is instilled by the Salafi group to its followers.
The results revealed that the Salafi da'wah content in Rodja's
media interpellated the new Salafis and imitated the religious
way of Salafus Salih while creating a large number of
Makroen Sanjaya, Andi Faisal Bakti, Ridzki Rinanto Sigit, Rulli Nasrullah
Reinterpellation And Reimitation Of Conservative Ideology Of Salafi Through
The Mediatization Of Religion On Instagram Rodja Tv
communities or congregations. The new Salafi followers then
interpellated (re-interpellation) and imitated (reimitation) to
the next follower. The series of re-interpellations and
limitations ultimately constituted the Salafi da'wah and the
ideological congregation of Salafus Salih
KEYWORDS
Representation of Ideology, Salafi, Conservative,
Mediatization of Religion, Instagram, Rodjatv
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons
Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International
INTRODUCTION
Before the change in the political system from authoritarianism to a democratic
system, religious content in the mass media, especially television in Indonesia, was
dominated by mainstream religious groups. During the New Order era, the message
(Tapsell, 2017)(communication) was one of homogeneity and 'national unity, and the
television medium was the most likely for the ideals sponsored by a controlled strategy.
From a political economy perspective, the mass media, especially television in Indonesia,
are under the domination of the capitalist system. Television in Indonesia is not an
independent and autonomous power but rather an ideological tool used by capital holders.
The media are instruments of the capitalist class, and the products they produce are a
transmission system for capitalist interests and ideologies (Armando, 2016). Practically
speaking, if religious preachers want to appear on mainstream television, they must adapt
to the political-economic system adopted by the media. On the other hand, non-adaptive
groups and not part of mainstream religious groups are always marginalized in the media
communication system. For example, Salafists from Cileungsi, Bogor, West Java belong
to groups not accommodated by mainstream media, especially television in Indonesia.
However, since the reformation era, which impacted the democratization of
communication, the political system in Indonesia has provided opportunities for
marginalized religious groups to carry out media presence and digital presence. Media
presence and digital presence as a form of communication mediated by technology is
communication using media, which has the same meaning as mediatization. The concept
of mediatization means that the media develop into independent institutions in society, and
as a result, other institutions become increasingly dependent on the media and must
accommodate the logic of the media to communicate with other institutions and society.
Meanwhile, the mediatization of religion means how the media influence the imagination,
practice, and religious authority through three media metaphors: media as a channel,
language, and environment (Hjarvard, 2013).
In 2005, Salafists from Cileungsi, Bogor, West Java, Indonesia, a school of
conservationism and Islamic puritans, mediated religion through Radio Rodja and Rodja
TV and continued through social media. Salafis rely on the teachings of Salafus Salih,
which means "pious predecessors" (Minarno et al., 2020), namely the first three generations
of Islam after the Prophet Muhammad. They are also referred to as Salafiyyun (plural of
Salafist), i.e., everyone above the manhaj (method, ways) of the Salaf in creed, sharia,
morality, and da'wah. The Salafiyyun who follow the Salaf manhaj identifies themselves
as Ahlus Sunnah wal Jamaah. Salaf also means "something or previous person".
The meaning of Ahlus Sunnah wal Jama'ah as meant by Salafist is different from
the terminology among Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). For NU, one of the characteristics of Ahlus
Sunnah wal Jama'ah is washatiyah, which means "middle" or moderate. The central
character of NU is in all aspects of its teachings, recognizing Sufism and basing Islamic
teachings on the Qur'an and As-Sunnah as the main sources, aside from secondary sources
such as ijma' and qiyas (https://www.nu.or.id /). In contrast to NU, Salafists reject Sufism
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and the qiyas method. The teachings of Sufism and its followers (Sufis) are considered
ahlul bid'ah deemed heretical and misleading. Salafists themselves are divided into pure
Salafis (focusing on the teachings of faith and fiqh) and jihadi Salafis (moving, like the
Muslim Brotherhood). In addition, pure Salafists are increasingly being accepted by
Indonesian people, especially young people.
Although not appropriate, Salafists are often stigmatized as sowing the seeds of
fundamental radicals who avoid the da'wah of hizbiyyah or groups or organizations
(Chozin, 2013). However, it is undeniable that this Salafi from Cileungsi is categorized as
a conservative follower who tends to resist change and maintain the status quo an
established condition. Religious conservatism adheres strictly to the scriptures or to the
teachings, orthodoxy, and traditions considered the most correct and rejects understanding,
interpretation, and renewal of religious thought and practice based on certain modern
developments (Azra, 2019). Conservatism also means "the desire to preserve, reflected in
the resistance to, or at least suspicion of, change." The will to resist change is a recurring
theme in conservatism (Heywood, 2012). In addition, the conservative form of religion can
be traced from indicators such as "rejecting modernism, liberalism, or progressivism in
religious teachings, making hadith as the main reference that must be literally duplicated
and obeying the doctrine and social order inherited by the Prophet without
contextualization". The literal duplication of the Prophet's hadith and adhering to the
doctrines and social order inherited from the Prophet without contextualization are the main
characteristics of Salafists from Cileungsi, Bogor.
Salafists are also often associated with fundamentalism movements. Those
classified as fundamentalists describe themselves as 'traditionalists', 'conservatives',
'evangelicals', 'revivalists' and others. However, even though the fundamentalism
movement rejects the products of modernity or Western products, it is limited to a social
understanding, not a technological aspect. In the field of technology, they do not really
question it as long as it does not conflict with their basic creed or belief (Sumaedi et al.,
2011). Before utilizing modern communication technology, Salafists and other da'wah
groups were still in the category of Islamic groups that preached traditionally, emphasizing
face-to-face communication activities only (Bakti, 2018)
Conserving religious teachings fundamentally is one of the reasons that the
Cileungsi Salafis are absent from the mainstream Indonesian media. Salafis duplicate
hadith (rules quoted from the Prophet) literally and adhere to the doctrines and social order
inherited by the Prophet without contextualization, as taught by Salafus Salih (the first three
generations after the life of the Prophet). Practically speaking, Salafists reject the rules of
the game set by mainstream media managers, especially television, when they are
presenters (talents), including (1) trimming their beards, (2) not wearing Middle Eastern
clothes (cloaks), (3) conveying lecture material with a touch of entertainment, such as
jokes, and (4) refusing to have make-up (Wiryoutomo, 2009)
Since the 1990s, the Salafi community from Cileungsi has made existential
ideological representations. Representation of ideology means the redrawing of ideology,
where ideology as a system of representation (in the form of images, myths, ideas, or
concepts, depending on the context) is supported by the existence and historical role in a
particular society (Althusser, 2005). In ideological representation, interpellation occurs
(summoning, recruiting, changing) and necessitates an imitation process known as the
mirror phase (Kellner & Durham, 2006)
Moreover, the early stage of Salafus Salih's conservative ideological representation
movement used conventional da'wah strategies, namely interpersonal and group
communication patterns. Interpersonal communication emphasizes direct face-to-face
interaction, while group communication emphasizes the process of exchanging messages
Makroen Sanjaya, Andi Faisal Bakti, Ridzki Rinanto Sigit, Rulli Nasrullah
Reinterpellation And Reimitation Of Conservative Ideology Of Salafi Through
The Mediatization Of Religion On Instagram Rodja Tv
aimed at influencing each other (Sobur, 2014). It is what the contemporary
Indonesian Salafi figure, Yazid bin Abdul Qadir Jawas, has done since the 1990s, and then
continued by one of his brothers-in-law, Badru Salam, in 2001. Jawas instilled a
conservative ideology through the pulpit of the mosque and house-to-house recitations.
Badru Salam, a second-generation Salafi from Cileungsi, combined the da'wah
(Islamic communication) model with a special training method through recitations aimed
at specific communities, known as daurah, i.e., a way for Muslims to increase their religious
knowledge and transmit religious knowledge to others. The representation of ideology
through interpersonal and group communication patterns by Yazid and Badru Salam could
only reach audiences on a local scale. Despite successfully recruiting or converting several
congregations (groups of worshipers), the number and scope of the area were still limited.
The interpersonal and group communication used by Salafists from Cileungsi in the early
stages also often led to misunderstandings. The community accused them of being a deviant
sect, advocating violence using religion or radicalism and terrorism, and received threats
that the masses would burn their place of worship (Hasanuddin Interview #1, August 27,
2021). However, thanks to the mediatization of religion through Radjio Rodja, Rodja TV,
and later websites and social media, the representation of Salafus Salih's ideology can be
accepted by local communities in the Cileungsi area. Through the mediatization of religion,
the Salafism movement expanded from a geographical aspect and enlarged from a
demographic aspect.
In 2005, the initial stage of the mediatization of religion was carried out by
establishing Radio Rodja. With a capital of only IDR 3,500,000 (Hasanuddin Interview,
August 27, 2021), Cileungsi Salafists spread Salafism to the public within a 2.5-kilometer
radius. However, in 2007, with a donation from a follower, Salafi Cileungsi acquired a
private radio owner of the 576 AM frequency so that Radio Rodja broadcasts regionally,
covering Jakarta, Bogor, Depok, Tangerang, and Bekasi. Radio Rodja then built a
networked broadcast system in various cities in Indonesia and established itself as a pioneer
of Islamic preaching radio, pioneering the Salaf line, which triggered tensions, especially
between traditionalist Muslim groups and Salafists themselves (Wahid & Makruf, 2017).
Even starting in 2011, through the Rodja TV Satellite platform, Salafists have carried out
functions in the development of civil society while proving themselves as modern da'wah
actors.
Figure 1
Rodja's Salafi media figure, Ustaz Yazid bin Abdul Qadir Jawas, in one of his
lecture series entitled "Noble with Manhaj Salaf." Uploaded on Youtube Rodja TV
on October 9, 2015 (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7dghYmiz34I&t=4005s).
With success on radio, Salafi Cileungsi began broadcasting Salafism's da'wah
through Internet-based video streaming (2009) and the Rodja TV Satellite platform (2011).
Salafi emancipatory actions are followed by a digital presence through social media,
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starting with Twitter to Instagram and Telegram. Salafis can also reach an audience of
young age groups, the majority users of Instagram. The reality is that, from around 91
million Instagram users in Indonesia in 2021, 33.9 million users are aged 18-24 years
(https://databoks.katadata.co.id/, 15/11/2021). Therefore, the mediatization of religion on
social media has made the Salafism movement grow, and the number of followers has
increased. In October 2020, Rodjatv's Instagram followers were 435,000, then increased to
492,000 in April 2022 (https://www.instagram.com/rodjatv/. 30/04/2022).
Figure 2
Rodjatv's account on Instagram shows the Salafi figure, Badru Salam, about the
"Prohibition of Using Stickers on WhatsApp" uploaded on October 5, 2022.
(https://www.instagram.com/p/CF8goCvHRx9/).
Based on the above phenomenon, this study aims to reveal how the conservative
ideology of Salafus Salih is represented through the mediatization of religion on Rodjatv's
Instagram social media. To what extent do Salafists carry out the mediatization of religious
activities through social media on Rodjatv's Instagram account?
RESEARCH METHOD
This study used a critical paradigm, namely the knowledge paradigm that "always
suspects an interest behind something," with practical implications for social change by
uncovering the real structure behind the illusions, and false needs, which are revealed by
the material world, to form social awareness to improve and change their living conditions
(Cano et al., 2018). In the critical paradigm, a more appropriate label is "ideologically
oriented inquiry." The task of the critical paradigm in research is to lift the oppressed into
the vortex of “true conscience” and act to change the world, in parallel with predicting and
controlling it all at once.
This research employed a qualitative approach, starting with assumptions and an
interpretive/theoretical framework that formed or influenced the study of research
problems related to the meanings imposed by individuals or groups on a social or human
problem. Qualitative research is a located activity consisting of a series of naturalistic
material interpretation practices, making the world visible. These practices transform the
world into a series of representations, comprising field notes, interviews, conversations,
photographs, recordings, and personal notes.
This research method is virtual ethnography, which is an additional note to see the
phonemes that occur in computer-mediated communication. In simple terms, virtual
ethnography means ethnographic methods used to reveal the reality, both visible and
invisible, of computer-mediated communication among community entities [members] on
the internet”. Hine (2000) emphasizes 10 principles of Virtual Ethnography, three
principles used in this study include virtual ethnographers being present in an environment
that is continuously researched, interactive media such as the Internet can be understood as
Makroen Sanjaya, Andi Faisal Bakti, Ridzki Rinanto Sigit, Rulli Nasrullah
Reinterpellation And Reimitation Of Conservative Ideology Of Salafi Through
The Mediatization Of Religion On Instagram Rodja Tv
culture and cultural artifacts, and researchers can consider ethnography mediated
interactions as a a form of cellular (communication) rather than a multi-location
(communication) nature.
Virtual ethnographers in addition to having to be present in an environment that is
continuously researched, understand or be aware of the characteristics of cultural and
cultural artifacts, and be actively involved (Hine, 2000), also require extensive observation
of the group, often through participant observation, 'immersing oneself' in people's daily
lives, observing, interviewing the participants in the group. Data collection methods in
virtual ethnographic research are carried out in at least three ways, namely first, observation
of participants. The second method is interviews and capturing activities, as well as archival
and historical research. There are three important steps taken by virtual ethnographers: (1)
sorting out cultural and cultural artifacts that are the center of research, (2) ensure the
validity of informants, and (3) build a communication model with informants.
In addition to having to be present in an environment continuously researched,
understand or be aware of the characteristics of cultural and cultural artifacts, and be
actively involved, virtual ethnographers also require extensive observation of the group,
which is often through participant observation, "immersing themselves" in people's daily
lives, observing and interviewing the participants in the group. Data collection methods in
virtual ethnographic research were carried out in at least three ways: participant
observation, interviews and photographing (capturing) activities, and archival and
historical research. Meanwhile, three important steps were taken by virtual ethnographers:
(1) sorting out cultural and cultural artifacts that are the center of research, (2) ensuring the
validity of informants, and (3) building a communication model with informants.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
The Cileungsi Salafists identify themselves as purifiers of Islamic da'wah groups,
namely returning all the main teachings and practices of worship and muamalah, as
inherited by the Prophet and passed on by the first three generations after the Prophet
through the jargon Da’wah Tauhid (oneness of God) and Sunnah (rules quoted from the
Prophet Muhammad).” It became a jargon and a representation of contemporary Salafus
Salih.
Call to Strengthen Faith
The main characteristics of the preaching of monotheism and sunnah by Salafi
Cileungsi are calls to strengthen Aqedah (belief, faith), purify Islam based on the arguments
of the Qur'an and sunnah, and eradicate shirk (associating partners with God), such as the
practice of shamanism, worshiping other than God, and prohibition of worship around
graves. These characteristics of monotheism and sunnah da'wah are the main indicators and
identities for followers in worship and muamalah practices. The followers of Salafism will
be seen from the way of worship, such as prayer and in their physical appearance. The
da'wah of monotheism and sunnah carried out by Salafists from Cileungsi was also carried
out through interpersonal and group communication and then continued through radio,
television, and websites to Rodjatv's Instagram social media. It managed to gain a
significant number of followers.
Imitate the Prophet and the Salih Salafus Completely
The entire implementation of the main worship (mahdlah), especially prayer, fasting,
zakat, hajj, and other worship as exemplified by the Prophet Muhammad and the Salafus
Salih, must be carried out as it is, according to the arguments contained in the Qur'an and
hadith. On the other hand, for those who deviate from what was exemplified by the Prophet
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Muhammad and the Salafus Salih, it is categorized as an act of bid'ah (a new thing in
religion or something made up after the death of the Prophet). In worship and muamalah,
if individuals do not imitate the Prophet, they are considered bid’ah and threatened with
going to hell. This literal imitation is also done by virtual followers through the media.
Through these two stages, da'wah for monotheism (oneness of God) and sunnah (rules
quoted from the Prophet) are quite effective in generating followers in large numbers.
These followers then invite others to become the next followers and imitate (ittiba') literally
the way of worship and life of the Prophet and his Companions.
In addition to the form of worship practices, the act of imitating the Prophet and
Salafus Salih is also shown by the physical appearance of the followers. In everyday life,
men wear robes over the ankles or syirwal pants. Men are also prohibited from trimming
beards. Meanwhile, women are concerned with gamish clothes with long headscarves that
reach below the hips.
Media for the Study of the Qur'an and Hadith (Words, Behavior, and Tirkah of the
Prophet)
Recognizing the power of the media in influencing religious imagination, practice,
and authority, the Salafi community of Cileungsi, spearheaded by Badru Salam, pioneered
the establishment of Radio Rodja in 2005. Rodja etymologically comes from Arabic, which
means "to hope." Rodja is also an acronym for “Radio Ahlus Sunnah wal Jama'ah.”
Reading and Interpreting the Qur'an and Hadith
Radio Rodja and Rodja TV every day around the clock only broadcast Salaf lectures
and recitations, reading the Qur'an through murottal and excerpts of the Prophet's hadith.
From the audio and audio-visual media, audio-visual and written narration was then
sampled to be uploaded on Rodjatv's Instagram, with various philanthropic content.
By only broadcasting lectures or studies, murottals (recorded readings of the Qur'an),
and excerpts of hadith and fatwas of Salaf scholars, Rodja media expand the reach of
Salafism da'wah and corrects misunderstandings (misperceptions) that Salafists are
heretical, radical sects, and even terrorists, to sharia Salafists who struggle to enforce
Islamic law.
Salafism Community Language
The communication pattern between Salafi clerics and their audiences uses dictions
in Arabic, commonly used in interpersonal communication between them. Afwan's diction
means "sorry" or "thank you." The diction Syukron jazakumullahu khairan means "thank
you, may Allah reward you with kindness." Dictions Ana (me), Antum (you), or referring
to "someone or male friend" as Ikhwan, while "someone or female friend" is called Ukhti.
The congregation obtained the Arabic diction and idioms from the ustaz when attending
the recitation, which eventually became a habituation in daily conversation (Hasanuddin
Interview, October 22, 2021). In addition to learning Arabic as a Muslim obligation, Arabic
diction is a group identification, which is the way the media connects messages and builds
communicative relationships between the sender of the message (communicator), content,
and recipient of the message (audience).
Sense of Togetherness and Mutual Help (Ta'awun)
Media Rodja can create a community environment with the principle of mutual help
(ta'awun). Rodja's media operational costs were obtained from donations from Rodjatv's
Instagram followers, which amounted to 393,000 as of May 5, 2022. Rodja's media is also
developing with a network system, including the presence of Rodja Lesmana in Bogor City,
Radio Rodja Majalengka, and Radio Rodja Bandung, all in West Java, and thanks to
donations from followers. Specifically, Rodja's media operational donations reached IDR
300 million every month, obtained from around 2,000 donors, called muhsinin, which
Makroen Sanjaya, Andi Faisal Bakti, Ridzki Rinanto Sigit, Rulli Nasrullah
Reinterpellation And Reimitation Of Conservative Ideology Of Salafi Through
The Mediatization Of Religion On Instagram Rodja Tv
means good people or benefactors (Hasanuddin Interview, August 27, 2021). Donations
packaged through the concept of ta'awun (mutual help) were not only to finance Rodja's
media operations but also had a positive impact on the welfare of the community around
the Al-Barkah Mosque, the location of Rodja's headquarters. In addition to food and drink
alms, poor people experiencing economic difficulties also regularly received rice and
money assistance from Rodja's followers. The principle of ta'awun is also a da'wah strategy
and invites the surrounding community to at least not hate Salafis. The concept of ta'awun
is also used to pay off debts for residents in debt but could not pay. When Eid arrived,
people who hated Salafis were given gifts so that from what they originally hated, they
turned into sympathy. The circulation of compensation money for the poor or affected by
disasters could reach IDR 50 billion per year.
Figure 2
The atmosphere of the queue of followers for a free lunch next to the Al-Barkah
Mosque after every Friday prayer as part of ta'awun. Salafi followers wear robes or
trousers above the ankles (syirwal).
Photo Source: Personal Collection
New Salafi Mass Reinterpellation and Reimitation
Da'wah of monotheism (oneness of God) by eradicating the practice of shirk
(associating partners with God) and sunnah (rules quoted from the Prophet) has been going
on since the 1990s through interpersonal and group communication modes in Al-Barkah
Mosque and group recitations from house to house. The conventional da'wah method was
carried out by inviting the object of da'wah of the residents of Kampung Tengah, Cileungsi,
to unite God (tawhid) and a pure way of religion derived from the arguments of the Qur'an
and hadith (words, behavior, and tirkah of the Prophet) as a manifestation of Islamic
purification. In addition, Salafism da'wah purifies Islam by calling on people to imitate the
way of the religion of the Prophet Muhammad, as taught by the three early generations of
Islam after the death of the Prophet (Salafus Salih). Salafists literally practice the Salafus
Salih way of life and religion, including keeping a beard, wearing robes, and syirwal pants.
In this regard, Yazid bin Abdul Qadir Jawas, the first generation of Salafi Cileungsi, has
successfully done interpellation (summoned, changed, recruited) some of the Kampung
Tengah Cileungsi people to become Salafis, both in terms of ideas and actions.
However, the initial phase of interpellation and imitation could only produce recruits
and imitations on a small scale. Yazid then recruited his brother-in-law, Badru Salam,
through educational methods. Badru Salam was sent to school in Salafi training centers,
namely the Institute of Islamic and Arabic Sciences (LIPIA) Jakarta and the Islamic
University of Medina, Saudi Arabia. After returning from Saudi Arabia in 2001, Badru
Salam had literally done re-imitation and re-interpellation of the younger generation around
Kampung Tengah, Cileungsi, through the daurah method. It is an activity to increase
religious knowledge and distribute religious knowledge to others while becoming an ustaz
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(religious teacher) at the Al-Barkah Mosque. Badru Salam's re-interpellations and re-
imitations are more mass through the mediatization of religion, starting from establishing
Radio Rodja (2005) to being present on Instagram (2014-2020). The number of followers
on Rodjatv's Instagram has now reached 492,000 (https://www.instagram.com/.
01/05/2022).
In addition, Salafi followers on Rodjatv Instagram understand religion, monotheism,
and the Sunnah of the Prophet better by imitating Salafists from ustadz on Rodjatv, as was
the case with the followers Dariskan Irananda and Fatur as-Salafi from West Kalimantan
and Annisa Nurul Izati from West Sumatra. The new Salafi did a literal re-imitation of the
teachings of Salafus Salih and did a re-interpellation of Salafism, with a minimum of the
family and the surrounding environment, as Andy Zuhair from Maros, South Sulawesi.
Representation of Ideology Challenging Pluralism
Before mediatizing religion, Salafists were accused of being a group that spread
deviant sects, hard (radical) sects, and part of terrorists, so the Al-Barkah Mosque was
about to be burned by the masses. However, through the mediatization of religion, starting
with radio, television, websites, and social media, especially Instagram, the public accepted
Salafi da'wah and even brought in material assistance. However, the movement's
effectiveness in instilling the conservative ideology of Salafus Salih is determined not only
by the mediatization of religion through Rodjatv but also by a change in strategy. It includes
accommodation for the intermediary system (tawassul) and blessings (tabarruk) in worship,
conducting studies at the Istiqlal Mosque in Jakarta as a place of study to gather public
justifications, and broadcasting the study on Rodja TV to create an image of itself as a
leading Islamic media (Bakti, 2018). Even though Rodja's Salafi media changed his da'wah
strategy to be more accommodating to the locality aspect, the reality revealed that the Salafi
community remains marginalized in the media communication system in Indonesia. From
the New Order until the Reformation Era, only Trans7, which has no more than 60 minutes,
has presented Ustaz Badru Salam, the main Salafi character from Cileungsi (Wirjoutomo,
06/12/2021).
In representing the conservative ideology, Salafi Rodja from Cileungsi, as an
adherent and preacher of the Salafus Shalih manhaj, shows monotheism and, on the other
hand, rejects the idea of pluralism. Pluralism is defined as creating a relationship between
values in a society that are mutually exclusive (Kekes, 1993). By disseminating the
teachings of Salafus Salih, Salafi Rodja from Cileungsi always emphasizes that the sole
interpreter of the textuality of Islamic teachings is only in one path, called Salafus Salih.
Muslims who do not follow the Salafus Salih manhaj is in danger of going to hell, and vice
versa, those who follow him become residents of heaven. By becoming a Salafiyyah,
Muslims are also guaranteed to be safe in the hereafter. As emphasized by Kekes, social
reality (religion is no exception) creates a relationship between values that necessarily exist
(stand) with each other. This social reality is plural. The attitude of monotheism was also
shown by Salafi Rodja from Cileungsi, who did not accommodate his da'wah movement in
Islamic mass organizations, such as Muhammadiyah or Nahdlatul Ulama (NU).
Revision of Ideological Interpellation Theory
Althusser criticized Marx in terms of the workings of ideology. For Althusser,
ideology affects everyone unconsciously (Althusser, 2010). Meanwhile, Marx believes that
ideology presents false consciousness (Faiz, 2020). For Salafists, when mediatizing
religion in Rodja's media, it is imaginary (unconsciously) carrying out the function or duty
of the previous pious generation (Salafus Shalih) to "change, summon, or recruit" the
Muslims, who are Rodja's media audience. Subjects who were "changed, called, or
recruited" became followers of Salafus Salih who were also in an imaginary state as if
Makroen Sanjaya, Andi Faisal Bakti, Ridzki Rinanto Sigit, Rulli Nasrullah
Reinterpellation And Reimitation Of Conservative Ideology Of Salafi Through
The Mediatization Of Religion On Instagram Rodja Tv
(unconsciously) imitated Salafus Salih so that some of them, apart from being imaginary
as representatives of Salafus Salih, were also moved to donate (material). Those who were
interpellated and imitated then did re-interpellation and re-imitation.
When discussing ideological representations, namely ideologies which are
representations of the imaginary relationship of individuals with their real conditions of
existence that require interpellation and mirror (imitation), Althusser did not mention the
existence of the reality that interpellation and imitation ultimately result in the reproduction
of social formations that keep repeating itself to maintain the status-quo if it is done through
the mediatization of religion. In reality, interpellation and imitation through Rodja's media
necessitate re-interpellation and re-imitation, manifested in the accumulation of followers,
materials (donations), and changes in the way of life and worship of the Salafiyyah
community circularly taking place. Althusser also never discussed the mode of re-
interpellation or re-imitation as praxis for reproducing social formations. Althusser only
ensures that human society exudes ideology as an indispensable element and atmosphere
for their historical and lifelong respiration.
Da’wahis Salafist’s Emancipatory Practices
The mediatization of religion by Salafists through Rodja's media in the early phase
consistently disseminated the content of the Qur'an and hadith (words, behaviors, and relics
of the Prophet), as a channel of tilawah/recitation (reading the Qur'an with a commitment
to practice), through lectures, studies, and murottal (reading the Qur'an according to the
correct speech and calmly), and excerpts of the Prophet's hadith through various sections,
such as "Islamic Studies" on Radio Rodja, Rodja TV, and on the Rodjatv Instagram feed.
By making Rodja's media a "Channel of Islamic Recitation and Study," Salafism's da'wah
can reach a wide audience and an existential affirmation for Salafists as da'wahists Salafists,
not political or sharia Salafists, who struggle to enforce Islamic law in the Indonesian
constitutional system. Before having Rodja, Cileungsi's preaching of Salafism often
sparked tension. They were often suspected and accused of being a cult, perpetrators of
violence in the name of religion (radicals), terrorist groups, and even the Al-Barkah
Mosque being threatened with burning by the masses. Since there was Radio Rodja (and
later Rodja TV to Rodjatv Instagram), the public then accepted the preaching of Salafism.
By using the media as a means of da'wah, Salafists have also proven themselves able
to get out of marginal conditions in the media communication system in Indonesia. These
da'wahis Salafists from Cileungsi previously did not receive accommodation from the
mainstream media in Indonesia to essentially defend the teachings of Salafus Salih. As a
puritanical da'wah group considered conservative, Salafi Cileungsi is actually able to
become an emancipatory group of mainstream da'wahists, competent in using modern
communication technology products. Rodjatv's Instagram also gained a large number of
followers, superior to Muhammadiyah's Instagram TVMuhammadiyah and Instagram's NU
Channel, belonging to Islamic mass organizations, which claim to have the largest
members. From the perspective of the Frankfurt school's critical theory of emancipation,
the movement of Salafists from Cileungsi, who mediatized religion through Rodja's media,
is a form of communicative emancipation, i.e., trying to "free themselves from the shackles
of the communication media system," in which by itself, from marginalized conditions,
Salafists become empowered (emancipatory).
The Dialectic of the Economic Base Versus the Superstructure
Althusser identifies ideology as something organic as part of every social totality.
Human society seems unable to survive without a special formation, namely its system of
ideological representation. Human society also issues ideology as an indispensable element
and atmosphere for their historical respiration and life. Specifically, regarding this material,
ideology has a material existence, and it is also emphasized that ideology does not have a
spiritual or ideal existence (ideale or ideelle) but (only) has a material existence (Althusser,
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2015). However, in terms of materialism, as the successor of Karl Marx, Althusser
criticized Marx himself. If Marx considers that the foundation of social life is the economy
as the basis (economic-based) or called economic determinism, while ideology, politics,
religion, law, and culture as the implementation of social life, for Althusser, it is an
ideology that determines all aspects of human life (Faiz, 2020). For Althusser, also, the
theory of economic determinism (economic-based) is an ambiguous and unbalanced
concept” (Althusser, 2005).
In addition, Marx believes a thesis that the economic basis (material) determines all
aspects of life. However, Althusser offers the antithesis that ideology is deterministic. In
this case, Salafi media Rodja synthesizes that both economic factors and ideological factors
can 'go hand in hand' with planting, forming, or changing (transforming) ideology, which
appears initially. Salafists' movement of planting, forming, or changing ideology in the
community around Kampung Tengah, Cileungsi, which continued to Rodja's media
audience, was initially not based on mere economic motives. However, when Salafists
mediatize religion, starting from Radio Rodja, Rodja TV, websites, to Rodjatv's Instagram,
it cannot be separated from economic or material factors. The mode of including the
economic aspect from the perspective of civil society theory was also carried out by other
da'wah groups, such as Daarut Tauhid, led by Abdullah Gymnastiar (Aa Gym) and Majelis
Az-Zikra, led by Arifin Ilham. These two da'wah entities carry out business activities
among da'wah activities (Bakti, 2006; Bakti, 2006). From another perspective,
contemporary Salafis have to adapt their actions amid a media business system that is
completely in a capitalistic system. The media in Indonesia are indeed instruments of the
capitalist class, and the products they produce are a transmission system for capitalist
interests and ideologies (Armando, 2016). In a fully capitalistic society, an individual
capitalist enterprise that does not take advantage of its opportunities to generate profits is
doomed to extinction (Weber, 1992).
Furthermore, the representation of Salafus Salih's conservative ideology through
mediatizing religion on Rodjatv's Instagram account also affirms and adopts the concept of
Althusser's ideological state apparatus (ISA). It states that ideology works consensually
through institutions, such as religion, education, family, law, political system, trade unions,
channels of communication (media), and culture (Althusser, 2010). Affirmation and
adoption of Althusser's ISA concept are at the same time dialectic with the concept of
Marxist ideology that can only work through a repressive state apparatus (RSA), namely
through the government, administration, armed forces, police, courts, and prisons.
CONCLUSION
The movement to instill the Salafus Salih ideology was initiated by Yazid bin
Abdul Qadir Jawas through interpersonal and group communication patterns using the
media of the mosque pulpit and house-to-house recitation forums. Yazid, who represented
himself as an imaginary Salafus Salih, did interpellation (recruiting, changing) from the
existing ideology to become Salafist. Then, recruitment was carried out in two ways: 1)
dismantling the beliefs and practices of worship and muamalah that were previously
hybridized with local traditions or culture, purified by the teachings of monotheism
(oneness of God) and imitating all teachings and 2) worship and muamalah practices
according to the sunnah (rules cited by from the Prophet Muhammad) taught by the
previous three pious generations (as-Salaf as-Sahlih). Yazid then recruited the family of
the founder of Al-Barkah, Haji Bakri, by marrying one of his daughters and educating one
of his brothers-in-law, Badru Salam. The second generation of Salafi Cileungsi recruited
by Yazid, namely Badru Salam with his family and recruits, established the Rodja media
as a means of modern da'wah, starting from Radio Rodja, Rodjatv, websites, to social media
Rodjatv Instagram.
Makroen Sanjaya, Andi Faisal Bakti, Ridzki Rinanto Sigit, Rulli Nasrullah
Reinterpellation And Reimitation Of Conservative Ideology Of Salafi Through
The Mediatization Of Religion On Instagram Rodja Tv
Through Rodja's media, what is known as the mediatization of religion occurs;
namely, the media influences religious imagination, practice, and authority. In the
mediatization process in Rodja's media, religion is increasingly classified under media
logic in terms of institutional regulations, symbolic content, and individual practices.
Salafists continue to represent the ideology of Salafus Salih through content that fully
contains messages of preaching monotheism (oneness of God) and sunnah (rules quoted
from the Prophet) by making it a "Channel for Recitation of the Qur'an and Islamic
Studies." The representation of Salafus Salih's ideology through Rodjatv on Instagram also
allows for massive re-recruitment (re-interpellation) of his followers and dissemination of
circular imitation (re-imitation) of worship and muamalah practices. All movements instill
a conservative ideology through the mediatization of religion by recruiting and totally
imitating the worship and muamalah practices of the Prophet, which are literally based on
the Qur'an and hadith (words, behavior, and tirkah of the Prophet) and are imaginary, as is
the ideology that constitutes the needs of all human beings, which does not work through
'consciousness.'
By adhering to the argument that "all world affairs (worship of ghoiru mahdlah,
muamalah) are permitted except those that are prohibited," including the permissibility of
using communication and information technology, not to mention Jewish products,
Salafists competently utilize new media, namely social media Instagram used by young
people. Through the Rodjatv account, Salafists have gained a large number of followers,
amounting to 493,000 as of May 2, 2022. These young Instagram users have also become
targets for the ideological representation of Salafus Salih.
The Salafists have also succeeded in facilitating the communicative mode of their
followers in the context of continuous re-interpellation and re-imitation and carrying out
“targeted advertising-based capital accumulation on social media” (digital capitalism) in
the context of reproducing social formations. The accumulation of capital is in the form of
regular donations from muhsinin (kind people, philanthropists) totaling about 2,000 people,
who were attained through calls on newstickers/running texts and descriptions on Rodjatv's
account on Instagram and collected funds of around IDR 300 million per month, more than
sufficient for Rodja's overall media operational costs. With Rodja's operational costs
guaranteed, Salafists can sustainably reproduce social formations to maintain the status
quo. Salafists also carry out commodification practices, namely turning things of value into
products that can be marketed toward content, workers, and audiences (followers) through
the “Rodja Parabola Outlet.With sales of the parabola that reached a volume of 100,000
units, it not only expanded the activities of representing Salafus Salih's ideology but also
brought financial benefits to the sustainability of the mediatization of Rodja's religion.
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